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neither the one nor the other can he be dispossessed; he is at full liberty to take any political part he pleases, his judgment, not his interest, directing him in his choice.— In fairness to the present government, it slaould be mentioned, that they have not been indifferent to the interests of the public, and have maturely weighed the propriety of giving Mr. Garnier a compensation for the purchase of his patent, (which he was, and is, reidy to relinquish on any fair terms); but aster due investigation, it 2ppeared, that the army could not be better, or more reasonably supplied, than under the present arrangement; as the charges made by the apothecary general to the army are less than those of the Apothecaries Com

pany to the Navy.—Mr. Garnier's emolu- H

ments depend wholly upon the success attending wholesale purchases, and retail prices : he has often a great profit on some articles; so has every merchant in every branch of trade; and the merchants may with as much propriety, be said to be drains on the public purse, as that Mr. G. is in the receipt of a large income from public taxes —You will now see, Mr. G. derives no advantage from any support he may give the present government; that he has repeatedly opposed administration; that he does not receive from the taxes & 12,000 a year, during the war; that by agreement with his deputies, he divides the profits with them ; that though not professionally employed, he is responsible often, to an immense annount, arivancing money from his private fortune to discharge the debts of the public ; and that he never was an enemy to peace.—On the whole, I am entitled to conclude, that in this case no blame attaches to the administation, no corrupt motives to Mr. Garnier, and no injury in effect to the public.—The above being the first part of my proposed eommunication, which I have first seat, from being of a personal nature, I postpone the second part, being of general relation only, to the proceedings and report in question, and remain, Sir, your very faithful servant,-EDMUND PoulTER. - ------------Sto - Essex MEETING. SiR,--I thank you for the handsome manmertn which you have introduced my name in your Register of the 22d. inst, I certainly bave been active in advising the freeholders to attend the county meeting at Chelmsford on Friday last: but I do not plead guilty to a eharge brought against me, at the said meeting, of having canvassed the county for that purpose. ... My solicitations were confined to the attending the meeting and hearing the

arguments for and against the Address. But it so turned out, that neither arguments not numbers were of any avail. The sheriff thought proper to decide against us, and to give us reason to complain ; 1st. That heput the question of adjournment, before several gentlemen who signed the requisition had spoken, though they were very desirous to deliver their opinion; 2d. That be refuted to order a shew of hands, but directed those who were for the adjournment to go to the left and those against it to the right; 3d. That he did not put himself in a situation where he could see the numbers, but decided precipitately, before the freeholders could place themselves as he directed; 4th. That he declared the majority to be in favour of the adjournment when it was clearly appa. rent to impartial observers who were in a situation to see, that the majority was agains the adjournment; 5th. That being applied to

by several gentlemen to correct his mistake

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to this nation. In expressing this opinion, you have not even the merit of consistency; a quality essentially requisite in every journalist, who would preserve his credit with the public, and particularly so, in the author of the Political Register, which has obtained so extensive a circulation, and is known to possess so much influence over the public mind. When intelligence of the ininnections in Spain first reached this counfry, you listened to it with an incredulous est; the news you thought was too good to be true, and that the people of Spain were too deeply sunk in apathy, to rouse at the call of liberty ; but when further accounts arrived, which left no room to doubt that the indignation, which the treachery and tyranny of Buonaparte had excited, was general throughout Spain, that in almost every province of the kingdom, the people were flying to arms; vowing to defend their freedom, or perish in the attempt; when we found them talking of their liberties, of reforming abuses, and restoring the Cortes or real representatives of the people, you then formed a more favourable opinion of the success of their cause, and congratulated your countrymen on an event so glorious to the Spanish people, and so auspicious to the liberties of Europe. You concurred in thinking, that the consequences of this event would not be confined to Spain; you hoped that it would be properly improved by the government of this country, and you were of opinion, that it presented the most feasible opportunity of checking the exhorbitant power of France, that had occurred during the last fifteen years; but, at the same time, that you earnestly recommended that every assistance should be given by this conntry to the Spanish patriots, you gave his majesty's ministers a piece of wholesome advice, the propriety of which was felt and acknowledged by every prudent man in the country. Do not interfere with the internal affairs of Spain. Send them arms and ammunition, men and money, every succour to enable them to preserve the freedom and independence of their country, but leave the people to choose what form of government may be most agreeable to them. This seemed to be the line of conduct which ministers had resolved to adopt; and every consideration of prudence, pointed it out as the most proper to be followed. We at that time knew little of the wishes of the Spanish nation, on the subject of their government, or of the opinion which was generally entertained in Spain, of the conduct of their royal family. We seemed to be conscious

>f the errors which we had formerly fallen

into, in waging war only for kings, and we resolved, on the present occasion, not to split on the same rock. Thongh Britain thus disclaimed all interested views in the assistance which she resolved to give to Spain; yet she was, in fact, wisely following that line of conduct, which was nost conducive to her own interest, and the general welfare of Europe. Whitever form of government might be established by the Spanish people, was a matter of no impor

tance to this country, in comparison of pre

venting Spain from being subjugated by France; and if in that she succeeded, she knew she would procure inestimable advantages, both to herself and to Europe. She knew that she would, thereby, give an effectual check to the inordinate ambition of Buonaparte, the effect of which must be the emancipating of the powers of the Continent from that debasing state of servility and dependence, under which they have so long groaned. These circumstances I mention to shew the wisdom of the advice which you gave, not to interneddle with the internal affairs of Spain, or to attempt to frustrate, directly or indirectly, any plan of government, that Spain might choose to adopt. Since that time, however, the mass of official intelligence, which we have received from all parts of Spain, leaves us no room to doubt, as to the wishes of the people of that kingdom with regard to their form of government. From Gallicia to Andalusia, from the Atlantic to the Mediterranean, the voice of the people is unanimous for Ferdinand V is That the people, or their leaders, have, in thus choosing Ferdinand, discovered any intention of re-establishing the old government, with all its defects, there is not the least reason to believe ; though from the hatred you bear to that unfortunate prince, and to all the family of Bourbon, you cannot help identifying Ferdinand VII. with the ancient government of Spain; excluding the possibility of any modification of the power of the crown, as well as of all reform of abuses, or amelioration in the condition of the people. It is, however, sufficiently apparent, that the wishes of the Spanish nation are in favour of a monarchical government, and that all ranks of people are enthusiastically befit on having Ferdinand for their king. . All their edicts and proclamations run in his name; they call him their beloved sovereign, and, in their addresses, the Juntas of the different provinces, who must be well acquainted with the sentiments of the people, call upon them, in the name of their armiable Ferdi

'na, d, to die in detence of their ccultry

their religion, and their king. And such addresses their leaders, certainly, never would have published, had they not known that the people were enthusiastically attached to their prince. —Since it thus so evidently appears, that the governments of the different provinces, as well as the people of Spain, have given their voice so unanimously in favour of the prince of Asurias to be their king; upon what principle is it, that you condemn the gentlemen at the City of London Tavern, at the dinner given to the Spanish deputies, for having drank the health of Ferdinand VII? On the promoters of this dinner, you have poured forth a tor

rent of the most unnerited abuse: for what

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dinner was defrayed from taxes, wrung from the earnings of the poor, you have made a most unjustifiable attempt to mislead the ignorant part of the public. If this is not the meaning of the passage, it can have no meaning at all ; for i presume that the tayern-keepers, waiters, cooks, under-cooks, turnspits, &c. employed in cooking and serving up this dinner, were acting in the way of their business, and that they were as much obliged to the gentlemen by whom the expence of this dinner was paid, as the paper-makers, stationers, printers, printersdevils, newsmen, &c. &c. engaged in getting up the Political Register, are indebted to you, for the employment you give then), in printing and publishing that meritorious Journal, by which you and they earn so comfortable a subsistence, and the people of this coo: try derive so much entertainn:ent and instruction. But to return—if the gent, amen at the London Tavern knew what were the sentiments of the deputies, and of the Spanish nation, and if at this dinner, given in honour of them, and as a mark of attachment to their cause, they had omitted to toast king Ferdinand VII, they would have been guilty of a piece of rude

ness to their guests, totally unbecoming the character of Englishmen, a piece of rude. ness which could have been equally foupign from sound policy, as contrary to every role of civility and politeness. They would have been, thereby, taking upon themselves, to express their disapprobation of the conduct of the Spanish nation, and to interfere with the internal affairs of that people, which you must admit, would have been high presumption in a set of gentlemen assembled in their private capacities. They would also have been setting at defiance, the whole ome advice which you gave to the government and people of this country, not to interfers with the Spanish people, in the choice of their government. This advice, which yon were so anxious to impress upon others, yeo yourself have lost sight of, as if you had been the only person in the nation, on whom there was no obligation to follow it. If the Spanish patriots, instead of declaring for Ferdinand, had resolved to establish a re

publican form of government ; if the Br.

tish ministry, taking alarm at this step, had remonstrated against it, and threatened to withdraw their succours, and to leave Span to contend alone with Boonaparte; in what terms of severity and reproach, would you have deprecated their conduct You would have told them, that, by such an unjustifiable interference, they were sacrificing ti: best interests of the country, and throwir; away the most favourable opportunity to: had ever been presented to them, of resis:iog with effect, the exorbitant power of France. But, impolitic as such conduct would have been, it is the very thing which you, by the means of your Journal, are now endeavouring to effect. By the opinion you have expressed of the choice of Ferdinand VII, and by the arguments with which that opinion is attempted to be soported, you have done what lies in yor power to thwart the cause of Spain, and to assist the tyrannical attempts of Napoleon. . I do not, however, dread, that the publis ing of your sentiments will be attended won so alarming consequences; it will only prove your own inconsistency, and how little regard you can pay to your own advices and opinions. Your Journal will not in all probability reach Spain; and there is no go t risk that any thinking people in this cout,' s will be misled by your arguments. Bot, on so far as your power goes, you have attempted to raise a jealousy of this countryin the breasts of the Spanish leaders ; ; or have attempted to render the people ot England lukewarm to their cause ; so have attempted to mislead the people of England, by making them believe, that they are to be taxed for carrying on a war in Spain, for a purpose which, if it sticceed, must be productive of harm to this nation, and to every nation in Europe. It is for you, Mr. Cobbett, to reconcile such conduct with sound policy, and wit, your former opinions on the subject of the Scanish revolution —But, if the question were whether the Spaniards had acted prudeatly in choosing Ferdinand for their king, it would be no difficult matter, not only to prove the affirmative, but to demonstrate, that it was the only possible measure, which could erable them effectually to resist the power of France. When jantas of the provinces were called to aims,

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a people so circumstanced as the people of Spain then were, soddenly deprived of

their king and government, —it was necessaly, in order to insure unanimity, to shew to them not only what they were to fight against, but what they were to fight for. To defend the liberties of their country, against the base attempts of a treacherous and peridious tyrant, was no doubt a cause sufficient of itself, to rouse to arms, a people so rave and so gallant as the Spaniards. But to render the rising of the people general ; to secure unanimity, and prevent the growth of faction, it was necessary that an ultimate object should be pointed o:lt to them, -that the people should know the hand destined to sway the sceptre, when their exertions had freed the country from its foreign enemies;—and to whom could they so naturally cast their eyes, as to Ferdinand, to whom the people were so unanimously, and so enthusiastically attached : Let it be supposed that the Spanish leaders, illuminated by the same enlightened policy which distinguishes you, Sir, had declared that the royal family had forfeited all right to the crown, and had merely called upon the people to take up arms to repel the invaders of the country; promising when that should be accomplished, to call a na. tional assembly of the people, to choose a constitution, and frame a government for themselves; what, in all proobility, would have been the reo.it of so imprudent a step, what, but dison:on, ruin, and defeat The people no doubt would have armed ; but one party would have declared for Ferdimand ; another for king Charles, and a

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to repel the foreign invaders, when they must have known, that wherever that end . was effected, they would have to wage a civil war among themselves, for the settlement of the government Such a measure would have given rise to a fourth faction in the nation, and that too in favour of Joseph Boonaparte. Prudent people, and such as had estates and property in the country, dreading the anarchy and confusion, which must necessarily ensue on a total dissolution of the government; —calling to mind the awful scenes that have been acted in France, under the government of a Convention ; and unwilling to run the risk of bringing similar distress and misery on their country, would have qoietly subinited to the usurpation of Buonaparte; and to the bappiness of the people, socrificed their liberties and independence. These evils have all been prevented by adhering to Ferdinand ; and in so doing, the Spaniards have followed the prudent example of England in the year 1388. When James the VIIth abdicated the throne, and carried his son along with him, England did not make choice of a new family, but conferred the crown upon the daughters of their late king, and on their demise without issue, the parliament settled it on the nearest protestant, heirs.You say that to restore the house of Bourbon to the throne of Spain, without any limitations whatever, will do harm to every nation in Europe, and particularly to this nation. But surely you do not mean to say, that it will be productive of equal harm to this country, as the establishinent of Jose, h Buonaparte on the throne of Spain We therefore, but to choose between these two evils ; prudence would surely dictate to us to choose the least. The cousequences of the latter to this country, you have so well described in the 4th No. of the present volume of the Political Register, that I cannot do better than give the passage in your words: “ Napoleon once in “ secure possession of Spain, would easily keep us in a state of continual alarm : all hopes of resistance would be extinguished upon the continent of Europe, which, united under one head, would, and must, harrass us in a way that we could not support, for any number of years.” If this, Sir, be your real opinion of the fatal consequences that must ensue to this country from the subjugation of Spain, let us hear no more of the harm to every nation in Europe, and to this nation in particular, which the restoration of the ancient government of Spain must occasion,--refrain from declaiming on the

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folly and absurdity of England, spending her blood and treasure, to carry on a war in Spain for the restoration of the Bourbons;–and try not to damp the ardour of the people of England, in behalf of the Spanish patriots, when our assistance is of so great importance to them, in the glorious cause for which they have taken up arms-and when the consequences of their want of success must be so fatal to England. —I do not believe, nor do you believe, if we can judge from what you have fortuerly written on the subject. that the ancient government with all its defects will be restored by the enthronement of Ferditand the V sità. But even if it should, if Spain succeeds in driving out the French, the advantages to this country, political as well as coinmercial, will be very great. The influence which France has so iong retained over the government of Spain will be destroyed, and Spain will be thrown into the arms of England. The family compact, which had existed so long to the disadvantage of England as well as of Spain, was annihilated by the expulsion of the Bourbons from France. It is true, that the influence of France still continued to operate, even down to the day that Ferdinand arrived it Bayonne, but that was occasioned by the terror, with which the power of France inspired a weak and cowardly government. But if Spain succeed in defeating the attempts of Napoleon, and securing her independence, the dread of the power of France will no longer operate on the Spanish government; Spain will have become conscious of her own strength, and will no longer submit te be the tool of France, or sacrifice her dearest interests to the views and caprices of Buonaparte. Gratitude to England, and hatred of France, which -the present perfidious attempts of the latter must inspire, will naturally occasion a close -connexion betwixt Spain and England. It is well known that there is a great similarity of character between the two nations; and that the people of Spain have always been remarked for a strong predilection in favour of England. The peculiar wants of each other, and their mutual ability to supply those wants, would promote a commercial intercourse equally beneficial to both nations. Such an intercourse has been long earnestly wished for in Spain, as appears by their well known adage : “Con todo el mundo guerra, y paz con Ynglatterra"—“Peace with England, and war with all the world : " and to establish such an

Printed by Cox and Baylis, Great Queen Street; published by R. Bagshaw, Brydges Street, Covent

intercourse will be the object of the government, as well as the wish of the people of Spain.—l have the honour to be, Sir, your obliged humble servant, SF Mesonius-Forth-Bank, 34th of August, 180s.

N. B —This letter has been mislaid, or it should have appeared long ago.—W. C.

Holla x D. — Dutch Commercial Decree, dated 18th October, 1808. (Concluded from page 800.) They are further authorised to correspond direct with ourselves, in such cases where they have any information of great importance to communicate to us, and particularly to acquaint us with any instances of neglect or backwardness on the part of the civil or military agents. The naval and military force shall also be at their disposal, in all that relates to the watching of the coasts and ports. The telegraphs are likewise placed immediately under their orders.-Art. IV. Fishing-boats shall be compelled to return to the havens from which they sailed. They shall, upon no consideration, be admitted elsewhere, not even under the pretext of having suffer. ed damage; and wherever any trace shall be discovered of a communication having taken place with the enemy, such as persons being found on board, not belonging to the crew, or the smallest package of merchandize, letters, or newspapers, the boat shall become the property of the civil or military authorities who shall have contributed to her seizure, as soon as a decree of seizure is pronounced by the judges, which shall be within 14 days at the farthest. — Art. W. All nations or foreign merchantmen entering any of our havens or roads of any description shall be warned by a boat to *...; and that if they do not they will be fired at. No excuses can be admitted, letters received or any intercourse entered into with them. Ships of war and those of friendly nations, are alone excepted.—Art. VI. All decrees, regulations, and other dispositions, heretotore adopted, relative to the shutting of the havens, and the prevention of communication with the enemy, shall remain in full force.-Art. VII. Our members of finance, marine, colonies, justice, and police, are each in his respective department, charged with the execution of the present decree.— Given at onr Palace at Utrecht, 18th October, 1808, in the third year of our reign. —(Signed) Lodewyk. =7

Gadea, where former Numbers may be had: sold also by J. Budd, Crown and Mitre, Pall-Mall.

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