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justice to the exalted sentiments of his ma

jesty the emperor, who would not abandon his faithful ally.—I have the honour to offer to the junta the assurance of my high cousideration.—The general in chief of the etat major general, -Augusto Bells ARD. — He added, verbally, to this note such atrocious and unheard-of threats, that the junta, no doubt fearful lest they should be realized, and that the tranquility of Madrid would be shaken, had the weakness to accede to the proposition, and commanded the Marquis de Castelar, by order of the king, the same night, to deliver up the prisoner, which, in fact, was done with great repugnance on his part, and on the part of all the officers who had him in custody.—A proper regard to truth requires. that it should be said, that don Francisco Gil, secretary of state and of marine affairs, and in consequence member of the junta of government, opposed the surrender of the prisoner, because it was not authorized by the king.—It is difficult to conceive how, after such direct acts as those that are stated, the junta of government should proceed to inform the council and the public, by the means of two extraordi. nary gazettes, that the prince of Peace had been delivered up by order of the king. The same difficulty occurs, how this junta could endeavour to excuse its weakness, by distorting expressions of the official correspondence ; as for example, a passage in the dispatch addressed to the council, which this

# of the

Madrid, 20th April, 1808.'

quarto, cites in the following terms:-" As to what respects the prisoner don Manuel Godoy, the king commands me to inform the junta, in order that they may nake the proper use of this notice, that his in jesty esteems too highly the wish expressed by the emperor of the French, not to gratify it. extending at the same time generosity in fa. vour of a criminal who had offended the royal person.'—With little reflection, it ought to have occurred to them, that this supposed order was not intended to give i. berty to the prisoner, but that the king was disposed to extend generosity towards him out of respect to the emperor. In order to know what species of generosity this was, i. was only necessary to recur to the decre: which his majesty addressed to the council. and which it has inserted, folio 15 of the same edition. Under the some date cf. to 18th of April, a royal order was address: to the Marquis de Castelar, notwithstandio; his majesty's fire, persuasion that his roy. parents laboured under a mistake, direct : that every care should be taken of the he: of the prisoner; and if at the same time : king had commanded that the junta of go vernment should have set him at liberty. such a precaution with regard to his hea" would have been idle and ridiculous. Be sides this, when the junta of governmeo gave an account to the king of the conside. rations and motives that they had for setting the prisoner at liberty, which are the slo that have been stated, his injesty command. ed one to reply in the soilowing terms:• The king is made acquainted with the mo tives the junta of government had for the de livery of the prisoner without his order.The two chi-f officers of the first secretly of state, and of the cabinet of his majesty, and his secretaries of decrees, don Eusebit de Bardixi y Azara, and don Luis de (his (through whose hands they were passed cotify this statement of the junta, and of the reply of the king.— have considered it to be my duty to publish these transactions, that the whole nation may be informed to the circumstances which occasioned the surrender of don Michael Godoy, which is false. ly attributed to his majesty, who never cool: think of abandoning the solemn promise he gave to his beloved people, to judge him c. cording to the laws, and that we should on this account be more strongly confirmed in the ardent affection we cherish for our beloved king Ferdinand VII. whom God re. store, as soon as possible, for the completo

four happiness—We, don Eusebio Barlav

* Azara, and don Luis de Onis, secretates à decrees to our lord the king, and principal U.

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officers of the first secretary of state, and ot the cabinet, certify the fact of the representation of the junta of government, and the answer returned to it by the king; and that they were conceived in the terms stated by the most excellent signor don Pedro Cevallos, in his Expositions ; the documents having passed through our hands, and which we authenticate by our signatures.—Eusebio PE BARDAx1 Y AzA R A.—LUIs DE ON Is..— Madrid, Sept. 3, 1808. OFFICIAL PAPERS. Staxrsh Revolution.—Manifesto of the Junta of Seville, Aug. 3. 1s OS. (Continoted from p. 576). Various supreme juntas and military chiefs have expressed their conviction of this truth. —A conviction of the same springs from the indispensable necessity of a civil government in every nation whose duty is to attend to the happiness of time kingdom, and to which the military may be subordinate. The confidence of the notion, and, consequently, the public funds and the capitals of individuals, must, necessarily, have a "vivil government for their support. Without it, the military power would, indispensably, be under the necessity of employing violence, with the view of acquiring that contidence which it never could attain, and getting a command of those capitals, which it would be equally impossible for it to bring within its grasp ; and thus it would ultimately destroy the public prosperity and boppiness, which ought to be the sole object of every government. Let us not vainly flatter ourselves with notions of Roman dictators, and

py issue hitherto of their civil administration, and the military enterprises which they have directed, have placed in the most conspicuous light, and established beyond all doubt, this fundamental truth, and most essential political principle.—But who is to create this supreme civil goverment 2 Who are to compose it Where shall be its place of residence : What the extent of its authority ? How shall it be established without interrupting the public tranquillity, and producing disunion among the different provinces How is the public opinion to be so regulated as that, without opposing it, this tranquillity shall be attained, and all risk of disturbance obviated 2 These are the important and serious questions which we shall now proceed to examine; and upon which, influenced solely by the love of our country, and our anxiety to promote its welfare, we will enter into a frank explanation of our sentiments.—In the various papers that have been published upon this subject, we are toid that the cortes should assemble ; that they should elect representatives; and far

ther, that the old council of Castile should convoke them, and the whole of the pro

the other miitary chiefs of the ancient re

publics: they were placed under very prudent restraints, and to duration authority was limited to a very short period. The daugers of complete despotisin and usurpation kept them in continual aiarin, and compelled them to take very rigorous precautions, which are very incompatible with the habits of modern times. Spain has derived, lesson of wisdom from the history of past ages: she has never thought of appointing a military dictator. Her military chiefs (ond it is a fact most honourable to the Spahish name) have been the first to embrace, with the utmost cordiality, a system of things as ancient in Spain as the monarchy itself. The experience of our times—the confidence of the people in the supreme juntas - the facility and abundance with which pecuniary resource have been placed at their disposal—the heroic loyalty with which the military chiefs and the army have acknowledged and obeyed them, and the hap

of their

ceeding should be executed under its authority.—Most assuredly we do not understand the grounds upon which this decision rests. The council of Castile, though a lawful assciubly, never convoked the cortes. Why, then, should we give it an authority which it does not possess Is it because it lent the whole weight of its influence to such important changes, with regard to which it had no powers, nor any authority whatsover ? Is it because it has acted in opposition to those fundamental laws, which it was established to preserve and defend ? Is it because it afforded every facility to the enemy to usurp the sovereignty of Spain, to destroy the hereditary succession of the crown and the dynasty legally in possession, and recognized and seated on the throne a foreigner, destitute even of a shadow of a title to it? for it is incontrovertibly manifest. that the renunciation of Charles IV. in his favour gave him no such claim : What confidence could the Spanish nation place in a government created by an authority invalid and illegal, and which had also rendered itself suspected, by the previous commission of acts of so horrible a description, that they may be justly ranked with the most atrocious crimes against the country —The council of Cas

tile being thus excluded from all considera

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any other authority; they would not unite; there would be no gartes; and should a few delegates assemble, that very circumstance would expose the kingdom to division—the evil which all wish to avoid —Besides, the cities who have votes in the cortes have not undertaken the defence of the kingdom, nor of themselves, ixor in their corporate capacity have they to de any effort to defend it. "We entertain the most profound respect both for them and their rights : but to uth compels us to speak out.--Most undoubtedly, however, the cities who have votes in the corres, in this cod lucting themselves, acted with const; in mite plude ce, as, 4 with a due observance of law. The kingdom found itself suddenly without a k'o, and without a government—a situation in seed on known in or history and to ouri;ws. Fae people legally resumed the power of appointing a government; and this truth his been openly avowed by various supreme The people created these junta, without paying any regard to the cities who have votes in the cortes. I he legitimate power is therefore deposited with the supreme juntas, and, on virtue of t. at power, they have governed and do gove, n

with real authority, and have been and still are acknowledged and obeyed by all ranks of st'ieco, and by all cities in their respective districts, i.d. ing votes in the cortes. Their situation has not changed : the danger still exists; no new at thority h is surpervened; the lawful authority therefore resides entire in the juntas which the people created, and to which they consided it.—It is, therefore, incontestible that the supreme juntos have the sole and exclusive right of electing those who are to compose the supreme government, as the oily means of protecting and preserving the kingdom, whose defence the people have entrusted to them, and which cannot be accomplished but by the establishment of a supreme government. Nothiog is more evideot than thi: troull. —And whom shall the soprene junta elect Most certainly individuals of their own body; for they alone derive their power from the people, and it is in their constituent members that the people have reposed their entire confidence. Should any other persons be chosen, they would possess neither the confi!ence nor the consent of the people, and all their acts would be null and void ; and from this want of confidence, the nation would be exposed to intestine divisions, the last and greatest of all our calamities — Hence, if there be any province in which the military power has alone been retained, results the absolute necessity of constituting supreme juntas in which the power of the

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government, and the persons so elected should, from that moment, be reported, an actually be the governors-general of the kingdom ; and that as such they should be toive sally acknowledged and obeyed.— Their authority is wel, known, and cannot be subject to any doubt. The supreme junta of Valencia has most judiciously norked its extent and limits, in the paper which they published on this question, on the 10th of Joy. We shall, therefore, be excused from going more at large into the consideration of it—We will only adol, that the supreme juntas ot:3'it to be continued with all their appointments and insignia, and be invested with the internal governments of their respective provinces, until the conclusion of the present state of things, but it the same time under due subordination to the supreme government. In those sopreme juntas resides the legitimate power of tuose portions of the people who have respectively created them. It is their duty to take measures for insuring the happiness of their constituents, through the medium of a just government, and vigilantly to protect and defend the rights of every individual among them. For this purpose they ought to give their instructions to their respective deputies, constituting the supreme government ; and it will be the duty of the latter to observe them, and to represent and support the claims of their provinces, as far as may be consistent with the general prosperity.—If there existed among us a royal

personage, capable of presiding in this su

preme government, reason and justice pre

scribe that he, and no other, should be ap

pointed to that office. But if there be no

such royal personage, the supreme govern

ment most elect a president from its own

body. To obviate every danger, however,

the presidency should be temporary, and

continue only for a fortnight, a month, cf

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y other term agreeable to the supreme gornment; upon the lapse of which period should be incumbent on thern to choose a tferent person.—We have already remark, and it is unnecessary to repeat it, that e supreme juitas should elect as deputies the supreme government such of their embers as are mos' ostinguished for their ents, their general knowledge of legislaon, and all the branches of public v. ofare | government, recollecting that they are be the depositaries of the "opes of the rgdom. The supreme janta, in fall reince upon the generous coaracter of Spoords, and their ar, ent attachment to the od of their co ory, assores itself thin rigue, party, or personal interest or preections, will have no influence upon this ision.—The supreme juntas will, in the st instance, appoint the place, which shall the seat of the supreme government, who all afterwards adhere to or alo r that ap. in: ment, as they thiri, fit, acco ing to a trality of votes. The seat of government, has been most wisely observed by the preme junta of Valencia, ought to be at ti-tailce from all the dangers of wo, and ould, as a claim to preference, possess !er advantages of a local : to e. Seville eceives herself to posses, as these adva, ses, but has no anxiety to be selected ; : she will most cord...!!y sacrifice ail her tous to what the other soprene juntas all decide to be for the goe is prosperity the kingdom. The soon juntas will, erefore, make known their pleasure as to is point, when they notio the election of eir deputies. In the meantime we will takly state that La Mancha appears to tis ost convenien: for the seat of government, d there we would p is ticularly name its ge cities of Ciudal Real or Almagro. Bet this subject we are nowise anxious; we ave it entirely to the free choice of the sureme juntas.-It remains only that we yeak of this supreme junta of Seville, upon hoch point we shall not say much. Cerin persons, either gnorant or malevo ent, ave endeavoured to “pread the persuasion lat we affected a superiority over the other row inces. Any such thought has been far soon us, although the general good of the ation has been our guide, and as it were he soul of all our determinations. We lossessed the only foundery for cannon in he kingdom, and arms and aumunition in certain degree of abundance. Various aptains general acknowledge us from the 0mmencement, and veteran troops were more numerous in our province than in other arts; and thus we formed an army in a -

who have surrendered prisoners of war, with their general, Dupout, and have capitu

lated for the divisions of gei.erals Vedel and Gobert, who are to be conducted to France, amount ng, altogether, to 17,000 men, so that here does not reinain a single French soldier in arms in the Andalusias; a victory most glorious and singular, which has been victed without the effusion of much Spainish blood, in which it appears we stand alone.-The local situation of the Andalusias presents also a more probable mode of defence against the alons of Napoleon, if he to eans to attack us ; and, with this view, we have united with us the Portuguese provinces of Ag"rve and Alentexo, who have p' iced themselves under our protection; a d the Canary Isles have sent us a deputy for the same purpose.—The greater opulence

shorter time, and have harassed the enemy,

and other pecular circumstances of these

provinces offer resources which the rest want ; and we hove thus been enabled to m ko provision for immense expence, without having received any money from any other joir, or imposed any contributions.— The norine arsenal of the isle of Leon, perhaps to most considerable of all, obeyed us from the beginning, and with it the Spanish onuadron of Cadiz, whose force is the greatest, and has been since augmented by that of the French moored in that harto o, and surrendered to us at discretion.— Go, altar, the famous English fortress, is in our territory, and one of the most numerous squadrons of that nation kept our coast in a sta e of bio-kade. We immediately, therefore, opened a communication with Gioraltar, and with the English squadron, which has given us all the assistance that was in its power, sent us a resident minister at the Yery, first, and conveyed our deputies to London, to request sub-idies, and settle a peace advantageous to the whole nation.— Amidst so many serious cures, we have transmitted all the arms which it was possible to transmit to Granada. Estremadura has received a still greater number, and has experienced our protection, and so has Cordova and Jaen. We have offered arms to La Mancha, to Murcia, to Tarragon, to Gerona, who requested them of us, an i we exerted ourselves to the utmost to sulfil the promises which we had made.—We have not forgot the rest of the European provinces and kingdoms, and we hope in time that the effects of our zeal and vigilance will be made clear and public.—The Americ is claimed at the first a great share of our attention, in order to preserve that so principal

part of the Spa'.ish monarchy. We have

sent envoys and commissaries thither and to Asia, in order that they may unite themselves to us, which we could not do without qualifying ourselves as the supreme junta for the government of Spain and the Indies, and we trust that this title and our cares will not be found useless. So many labours, surrounded by so many dangers, will, we trust, deserve some consideration of our contry, for the love and defence of which rtly we have done and suffered so muchWith all this, we repeat that we neither af. fect nor desire any superiority. Whatever we have done, we owed to our country: it was an indispensable obligation upon us. Our only object is, that Spain may preserve its integrity and independence, for our jord and king, Ferdinand VII ; and for that, object we joyfully sacrifice our lives. May God,

who has so clearly and marvellously shewn

his protection of Spain, grant a safe return to its king Ferdinand VH1' And then with the supreme government, he will determine what may be his royal will, either commanding an union of the cortes, or by such other means as his prudence may suggest, and will facilitate the reform of abuses and the general happiness of the kingdom, securing it upon such foundations as are firm, and subject to no change.—If these hopes are vain, in which the clemency of God leads us to indulge ; then the existing supreme government will itself determine what is most conducive to the interest of the kingdom, conforming itself to the fundamental laws thereof, defending it against the fury and malice of our enemies, and preserving this ironarchy, in which itself, the liberty of nations, and the Catholic church, the beloved spouse of our Lord Jesus Christ, is so deeply interested –Given at the royal palace of Sevisie, this 3d day of August, 1808–F, ANcis Saavei, RA, Archbishop of Laodicea ; the Dean of tke Chapter of the Holy Church; FRANcis Xavor R CIENFUF Gos; Visco Nt Hohf. : FRAN cis IDIAz BERMU to : M As of 1. GII., C. M.; Father Joseph RAM Rez : JoAN FERN as no Acus Re; Count T1L: ; Marquis dela GR A

nusa; Marquis de To RREs, and eleven .

others. Revolution in Portugal...— Proclamation 1 y Lieutenant General Hope, commanding the Troops of his Britannic Majesty, jor the immediate Security and Tranquillity

of Lisbon.

Inhabitants of Lisbon –Your country is rescued, and you are restored to freedorm your national fiag is fiying in every quarter of the kingdom, and his excel. ency the general-in-chief of the British

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armay is anxious to establish your civil go. vernment upon the same footing in which it was left by your beloved prince, when, as: sisted by the constant friends of his person and his throne, he escaped from his most insidious enemies. Without losing a mument, we are endeavouring to effect this measure, and to substitute a civil gover. ment to the military; to accomplish which, however, some days will be requisite. In order, then, that the evil disposed (if such there be) may not convert true liberty in a unbridled licentiousness, and in order to avoid, in the present crisis, the terrible cocs:quences of such disorder, it belongs to tie commander-in-chief, and to those to who he has immediately delegated the superintendance of the public tranquility of this city, to watch with all vigilance over its peace and quiet, and to give security to the persons and property of its loyal and worthy. inhabitants. To obtain this desirable end to will be necessary, for a short time, to maintain strong guards, piquets, and patroles, in various directions, in older to seize and take

| into custody every person who shall attem:

to disturb the public peace.—You may rejoice, inhabitants of Lisbon ' You have, great cause for gladness ; and your English. friends, participating in your sentimeo, rejoice equally with you. Never let it is permitted, however, that the evil dispose: should thereby have an opportunity of promoting insorrection or confusion : Butlet; them beware of such a design The mol vigorous and cisective means are prepard; for suppressing any attempt of this nitore, and alj who may be guilty shall be punished according to military law, in the most promo!, risirous and exemplary manner; and for the purpose of removing every temptation to interrupt the peace of the city, I prohibit, under the present circumstances, the entering the city with arms, and the wearing then in the public streets. All inns and taverns, where wine or spirituous liquors are sold in small quantities, are, for the same reason, required to be shut up at six in the evening, and not to open before sun-rise, under the rain of imprisonroent to the dealers, and forfeiture of their liquors.--Finally, Iia. vite all persons, who possess any authority of influence whatever, and whether included or not in the body of the magistracy, and more particularly the holy ministers of religion, to assist the military power in Pre: serving the tranquility of the capital, until the much wished for object of seeing the costituted civil authorities in the exercise 0. their functions be obtained.— God save to Prince Regent Viva Viva!—J. Hort, lieutenant-general.

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