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siderable breweries, wherein the princinal himself, and not an ignorant deputy, directs the process. To such men the study of the
ractice affords a pleasing antisement, which leads them to assertain the qoalities of, and fightly to distinguish between, the four ow/y articles which are useful and necessory, and all others which are very for worse than useless. Besides, it is not in the pover cf any brewer, however well experienced and instructed in the business, to obtain so large a proportion of vinous strength, as well as some other of the most desirable qualities in beer, from small as from larger brewings.-This is no chimera; for a power ul cause might be deduced from theory, if that were wanting, to explain the fact. This di-alvantage, tog-ther with the general want of system among the inferior brewers, connot ful to occasion the very serious waste of one fourth part of all the malt committed to their injolicious treatment. Any remarks on the effects of this annual loss, amounting, as might be shewn, to 400,000 quarters of barley, from the national stock of corn, would lead me farther than i intended; and would also intrude more on your valuable paper than I could expect will be allowed. —I am, very respectfully, Sir, yours, &c. A HAMPs in RE BREw ER.—Nov. 4th, 1808.
o CITY OF LONDON. REsciuttos relative to the King's AN swo. R. (Concluded from page, ot; ) He should not deny that we were at all times entitled to petition his majesty, and to state our grievances; but would any man contend, that his majesty had not an equal right to make whit answer he thought proper to such Address or Petition : He threw out of his consideration the idea which some gentlemen seemed to entertain thet in going up to the throne they were going up to the miuisters. His view of the subject was very different. He conceived that the court had no right to know any thing farther of the Answer, than that it was the Answer of the sovereign, and in no other light were they entitled to regard it. It was on that utilerstanding he supported the Address to its fall extent; but he could never go the length of daring to dispute his majesty's right to answer it as he thought proper, jowever much he might lament the terus of fuch Answer. Mr. Alderman CoM BE expressed his asonishment at the doctrine he had just heard, to false, and so justly reprobated as it had ilways been held in the best times of the 'onstitutional history of these kingdoms. The Answer of his majesty to an Address
was well known, and universally admitted to be the Ansover of his ministers, His neajesty's speech was uniformly receive i and discosed in polament as the spech of his minisers; and it was admitted to be competent for every man, polic and prvae, to discuss it as he pleased. He did not question the right of his moje-ty to return what answer he chose to such addresses as that court, or any other body, or nonber of ondividials, might present to hom. All he contended for was he right of that court to state the sensation which they felt on receiving an answer such as the present to any : Address which they might have presen.ed to his adjesty. The A wiress to which the Answer in question had been returned, was not to be treated as if it had beer, the Address of a fiction, or of a short miority. it was the unanimous Address of that court, breathi g a settlinent utonomously adopted through the country. The affront thrown on the court therefore, in the Answer which loid been anade to it, was on alled for, and unnecessary. The motion now made d d not bar or impeach the right of the crown to return any a swer it 'hought proper. He hoped his hon, friend would follow it up with another Address, which shor:ld be as in corried up to the throne, and which he should most cordially join in presenting. Mr. Alderman B1R co, referring to the words of the resolution, declaring that it was the right of the court to approach the throne “without obstruction or reproof,” stated, that these were the words to which particularly, he objected.— Mr. C.A.RRE and another member submitted, that the use of the term “gracious Answer,” when coop'ed with the resolution immediately following, would convey a contradiction in teros. Mr. Deputy Goodoo Her E argued, that if ever there was a time when the tights and
privileges of the City of London onght not to be compromised, ti, 3 was the period. As the Court asserted their own privileges and independence, so would they be appreciated by the country at large. The Answer of his
to jesty he regarded as being highly inj. cios, improper, and dangerous. Whe: one and all oright to be united with one heart and one band, as an independent nation, the City of London had been loaded with insult and degradation. This, he submitted, was a crime of the greatest magnitude, as being calculated in an eminent degree to produce anarchy and confusion. As well might gentlemen say, that the Corporation should at once surrender, or allow all their privileges to be snatched from them, as recommend it
to them to pass over the present Answer in s lence. An extraordinary case required an extraordinary measure to meet it. Never had one occurred which could serve as a parallel to the case now before them; and that being so, he trusted the Court would see the necessity of adhering to their rights and privileges. This they would do, if they did not wish to degrade themselves, and to abandon the cause of the country. Mr. GRIFFITH s contrasted the conduct pursued by ministers on the present occasion, and on the Address before last, which had been passed in that Court Then it was signified to them that a full attendance would be expected, as it was his majesty's wish to see them all. Here, however, they could not be received in state. Ministers had advised his majesty otherwise. A worthy Alderman, who had always been extremely forward in going up with Addresses (Birch) had, too, been backward on this last occasion, and the Court had to wait half an hour before two Aldermen could be found to go Aup with the Address. The Answer, he conceived to be most ungracious. * Mr. WA1th MAN, in reply, declared, that of all the extraordinary doctrines which he had been accustomed to hear in that Court from the gentleman opposite (Dixon), and from a worthy aldermaa (Birch), incthing had ever surprised him so much as what he had heard this day. He had been informed by the worthy alderman that the Answer was to be held the Answer of the king, not of his ministers—of course, that no responsibility attached to ministers from any Answer which the king might make to an Address. The worthy commoner had denied all argument to his hon. friend. It might, therefore, have been expected that he himself would have used something like argument. But no—he, as usual, had the good sense not to get out of his depth, and had, of course, confined himself to abuse and despicable quibble. It would be necessary for him to bring to mind who was the person by whom, - in 1800, a similar motion to that now proposed by him, was made. A petition was then presented to his majesty, requesting him to call parliament together, in cousequence of a scarcity which then tareatened the country. The Answer was cold ; and alderman Hibbert, than whom a more worthy man never sat in that Court, thinking that it might have expressed some regret for the distresses of the people, along with the motion for enteriag the Answer on the Journals of the Court, moved words expressive of this feling. This he thought was sufficient in answer to what had fallen from the worthy
gentleman (Mr. Dixon). As to any idea of abusing that worthy gentleman, he never carried his abuse beyond the public conduct of the person to whom he alluded; and if a man could not defend his public conduct, he must not expect to escape if he would obtrude himself on public notice. Praise the worthy gentleman for his political conduct, he could not do with any regard to truth. As to the worthy Alderman, for twelve years that he had observed him in this Court, he had never till this day ob. served him attempt any thing like a reply. He had now appeared in a new character; he had been unhappy in the exhibition, and he hoped he would never try it again. He seemed to be a pupil of sir R. Filmer, and, like many pupils, he had gone beyond his master, and had laid it down that a king night be and actually was his own minister. The great object of petitioning was, to take care that truth should reach the royal ear. The Common Council of London had, on this principle, gone up to his majesty and stated their wishes, and were they now, after having been reproved for doing so, to stand still and not to tell his majesty that he had been badly counselled? The worthy Alderman might continue to boast of our glorious Constitution, and of our lords and commons; he might talk as he pleased of the dangers of popery, and of the blessings of our holy religion; but if we did not possess that privilege which the worthy al. derman seemed inclined to deny us, we would soon cease to have any privilege whatever. Having contended, however, against this principle, the worthy alderman would, perhaps, have the goodness to tell what he thought the people of this country ought to do. Would he recommend ...) them to stairs still, as the Spaniards had done, till things had come to such a crisis that they could only advise the king to run away ? Were they the friends to the constitution, to the country, or to his majesty, who would give such an advice Was it not this advice which had betrayed the Stuart family? Which had continued to deceive the king, till he was obliged to abdicate his throne, and which latterly produced the glorious Re: volution, of which the light now contended for by him, but objected to by the worthy Alderman, was the corner stone and pillar The fate of the country required this court to interfere, and apprise his majesty of the public wish. This was the very time to call on him to resort to better councils. The great sir W. Temple said, that great occasions wanted great men, and great nicu wanted great occasions.
Never was this country in such a crisis as the present, or in oile in which there was a greater want of great men. The question for the court, and for the country to consider, was, if they wished to become the m is k for the slow moving finger of scorn to point at. It was impossible to feel on this sobject like Euglishinen, and not to feel degraded. Ministers were often obliged, by traps and tricks, to attempt to awaken the exertions of the state. In the present situatio. of things, however, there were not two opiuions. The public was actuated as by oue feeling. They had even thrust ministers forward in the contest. They had given liberally, they had given all that was de manded of them; and was it to be endured, aster ministers had taken all that they could get, that we should have the mortification of seeing all ruined, either by their imbecility, or that of those appointed by them, and e denied even the consolation of expressing our grievances, and demanding inquiry into the causes by which our calamities have been occasioned He hoped not only that the resolution now proposed would be carried, but that it would be carried unanimously. It did not seem possible that any man could oppose it, who was not a place-man or a place-hunter. Mr. Dixon said, the worthy gentleman took pleasure in representing the country as
ruined. He, ou the other hand, declared
it to be the adamiration and wonder of the world. If the hon, gentleman's ideas of our kings were correct too, what would they be but puppets, ready to receive instructions 2 Though kings could do no wrong, he could not help recollecting, that their acts were sometimes visited on them. One had lost his throne, and another his life, for what the hon. gent. would call the work of their ministers. The question on Mr. Dixon's Amendment, was now put and negatived, by a great majority. The original Resolution, moved by Mr. Waithman, was then put and carried, Alderman Birch and two or three commoners alone holding up their hands against it. Mr. WAITH MAN said, the business would be incomplete if it were to rest here. He therefore moved, that at humble Address and Petition be pre-ented to his majesty, in conformity to the said Resolution, expressing the desire of that court, that a strict and rigid inquiry should be made into the causes which led to the Convention in Portugal, as well as into the present system of our military preferments; and that his majesty would be graciously pleased to order ht, par
liament to be forthwith assembled, for the purpose of considering of the most effectual nueans for carrying those desirable objects 1:) to execution. - Mr. Jacks, Mr. Clarke, and Mr. Deputy Box were of opinion, that the proposed Address should not be carried through bu at a special meeting called for the purpose It might otherwise seem that the court had been taken oy surprise.—Mr. Dixon disapproved of an Address at all. His majesty had already assured the court, that du inquiry should be instituted. It would inply a doubt of the truth of his assurance, to repeat the application; and the request to convene parliament would go the length of inferring, that the court would not be satisfied even with a second declaration of his majesty's sincerity.— Mr. Alderman Combe objected to that part of the motion which extended to our military system. He doubted if the common council could be supposed sufficiently qualified to judge on that subject.—Mr. Waithman had no objection to omit that part of his motion.—Mr. Alderman Birch objected to the Address, particularly if to be conformable to the Resolution. He again alluded to the words “obstruction” and “reproof,” and remarked that, though the eourt had indeed been reproved, they could not complain of obstruction, they having been admitted to present their Address.-Mr. Waithman insisted on the propriety of seeing that his Majesty was not allowed to remain in ignorance of the opinion of that court; that his Majesty had been badly advised. He had no objection, however, as several gentlemen seemed to wish it, to withdraw his motion for the present.—It was then ordered, that the Resolution of the court, passed that day, be inserted in the usual morning and evening papers.
Fxposition of THE PRACTIces AND MAchi i N.A.T.u. O N S W is i Ch LED TO THE USU R PATION OF THE CROWN OF SPAIN, AND TH E M e A N S A dopted BY THE EMPEROR op THE FRENCH To CARRY IT INTo Ex; ECUT 10N : BY DO N P E D R O CEVAL LOS, FIRST SECRETARY OF • STATE AND DISPATCHES TO H is GATH Oil IC MAJESTY, FERDIN AND v11. (Continued from p. 704.) Without any other ground. your majesty thought proper to insult me in the presence of my venerable mother, and of the emperor, by appellations the most humiliating; and not content with this, you require my renunciation without any conditions or restrictions, under pain that I, and those who composed my council, should be treated as conspira:
who will provide that they shall be sent to
B. gos and Madrid with the greatest punctuality, and one some will be done as to all oo::-r-, that the Soaniards, whether in orance o, Spain, choose to have conveyed, either by he ordinary post, or by a French courier. Ai! will be tran ported to their respective dest nations with the most scrupulous exto less, an: the correspondes.ce between the two sates, for from experiencing any to e i to on, will acquire new activity.—M. to Cia., pony, in sending this oute to Son or de Cevalios, has the honour to assure him of his high consideration.*--— Bayonne, April 29, 1908.
* While the emperor intreated the king to renou; we the throue in his favour, no duiculty was no le in countersioning the passports that I gave in his loyal tra tie, bo as soon as the trench gover, arent saw its hopes disapooiated, it refused pass, ris to every dispatch.
No. XII —Resignation by Signor Don Pedro Cevasios of his Office of Minister for Foreign Affairs, into the Hands of Joseph A apoleon, on the 29th of July. Sir–At the time your majesty had the goodness to invite me to continue in the employment of minister for foreign affairs, | believed that I ought to submit to yout notice some reflections, according to which your roajesty could neither have the lo confidence in me, or I the least security in your majesty's protection, since I fou:rd myself injured, and carefully watched by the emperor, your august brother, whose intolence over your injesty's mind could be in no es: ect favouralle to me. -- Your to-3jesty'pe, sisted in your resolution, tellins one that ou were anxious to have near you persons possessing the exteen of the natoon; but I having no other wish than to rest in to my native and, which had been de led to me after two months' application to his i...porti and royal to jesty, it was necessary for one to accept toe nomination of your majesty, to put an end to the lamentable soothtion from my family, and my fell ovcoon rymed, reserving always the right
which no one can renounce, of adhering to
Thus circuuistanced, I should be a traitor to it, y own principies, if I were to continue to exercise a ministerial capacity accepted-ander such circumstances, and not from a desire to have any influence in the government of your majesty, which I lenounce f on this moment, to go into retite;1:ent, where I will consecrate to my unhappy country my wishes and tears for its calanities and distresses, which I should be glad to remove, for the happiness of a nation noose, generous, loyal, and brave. APPENDIX respecting the 4'anner in which : the Grand Duke of B. g obtained by Surprise an Order from the Junta of Government to deliver over to him the Person of the P, isoner, Don Manuel Gooy. Ever since the grand doke of Berg, lieutenant-general of the armies of the emperor, set his foot on the territory of Spain, he endeavoured, by every possible artifice, to impress a general opinion, that he came for our happiness, and to effect certain useful reforms in our government ; studiously giv
| ing out, thit he would protect the cause
protection of their fry ourite.
of the prince of Asturias, and that he would oppose the prince of Peace, who was the object of universal hatred with the nation. Neither did he neglect to give forth some hints of the great influence of the queen in public affairs. It was very well known, that this only was necessary to captivate the affections of the oppressed Spaniards; and souce his mission had for its chject what we have since seen, it must be acknowledged, that the calculations of the enperor of the Fench, his master, were well grounded.— As, however, all things in this world are subject to change, the ever-memorable movements at Aranjuez occurred, and subverted all this p!on. Scarcely had the grand duke of Berg become acquainted with them, to an he altered his scheme, and appeared to n:ke a great interest in the sate of don Manuel Godoy, with whom he had held :orrespondence of the nearest intiniacy, alhough he was not personally known to him. It was not concealed from his sagacity that he royal porents took great interest in the Then it was ha: he began to take the most efficacious measures to liberate Godoy from prison ; of all this was intii ctual, as long as their elevel kino, Ferdo, and VII, remained at os-drid. The grand duke of Berg was not ism oved by this circumstance; but scarcely ai his in jesty arrived at Burgos, when he enewed l. is application to obtain what he 2ng wished ; threatening, in case a negative was given, that he would use the force at is disposal to effect his purpose.—The inta, nevertheless, resisted his first applicaon, and consulted the king as to what they tight to do in such critical circumstances. His majesty was pleased to acquaint them tion the answer he had given on the same abject to the emperor of the French, who ad lion self solicited the release of the risoner ; and which answer is as follows :
– The grand duke of Berg and the am
assador of your imperial and royal majesty av-, on different occasions, made verbal pplications that doo. Manuel Godoy, prisoner or a crime against the state in the royal alace at Villaviciosa, should be put at the isposal of your majesty.—Nothing would e more agreeable personally to myself than o accede to your wishes, but the consemen -es would be so serious if I were to do o, that I think it right to submit them to he prudent consideration of your in jesty.— 'onsistently with one of the duties of my ituation, which is to administer justice to my people, I have ordered the most dignied of the tribunals of my kingdom to Judge on Manuel Godoy According to the laws.
I have promised to my people that I would publish the result of a process on which depends the honour of a great number of my su'jects, and the preservation of the rights of my crown. Throughout the whole extent of my doininions, there is not a single district, however small, which has not addressed complaints to the throne against that prisoner. All my subjects have signified their joy in a remarkable manner, from the moment that they were informed of the arrest of don Manuel Godoy, and all have their eyes fixed on the proceedings and decision of this cause —Your m jesty, a wise legislator and a great warrior, can easily determine the weight of these considerations; but if your majesty feel yourscit interested in the life of D. Manuel Godoy, I give you my royal word, that if, after a full examination of his case, he should be condemned to, death, I. will remit that punishment, in consequence of the interposition of your imperial majesty. May God preserve the life of your imperial majesty many years.-FE * of NAND.' —Vittoria, April 18, 1803 – The royal color of the same date also apprised the joinia, that if the grand duke of Berg reHewe ; his applications in favour of Godoy, he should be ans wered, that this business was in treaty between the two sovereigns, and that the re-ult depended exclusively on the decision of the king. His majesty having been informed that his royal parents (ll informed, no doubt) had complained to the grand duke of the ill treatment of the prince of Peace in his prison, his majesty commanded me, notwithstanding his conviction of the delicate treatment observed by the Marquis of Castelar, that I should direct him, that the greatest care should be taken of the health of the prisoner, which I did under the same date.—Scarcely had the emperor received the letter of the king, when with his accustomed haughtiness he abused it, and wrote to the grand duke of Berg, telling him, that the prince of Asturias had put the prisoner, don Manuel Godov, at his disposal, and commanding him vigorously to claim the surrender of his person. Nothing more was necessary for Murat, whose character is naturally daring and violent, and he sent the following note to the junta — The emperor and king having informed his imperial and royal highness the grand duke of Berg, that his royal highness the prince of Asturias had just written to him, telling him that he referred the fate of the prince of Peace to his disposal; his highness in consequence directs me to inform the junta of the intentions of the emperor; on account of which I repeat the request for the delivery of