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to the soldiers only. Oh! this is shameful. This is base to the last degree.There is, in this appeal, and the nation will not fail to perceive it, something strongly indicative of conscious criminality. When a man, accused of theft and threatcsed with prose. cution, reminds you of his distracted wife and starving family, what is your conclusion? And what are we not to think of those, whose partizans make this appeal to our compassion and gratitude? No we are not to be diverted from our demand of "strict discipline," our demand of justice, by any such puling appeal. We gave most liberally. We grumbled not at these generals being kept upon the staff for so many, many years, without running the smallest risk of hearing a ball whistle by their heads; we grumbled not that the harvests have partly rotted upon the ground for want of the hands, which were kept in inactivity; we said, take our last penny, bat, fight, when the day of fighting comes. That day has come; and, from an expedition, which has probably cost us more, than the whole of one year's poor-rates, we have derived nothing but injury and disgrace. And, shall we not now look for strict justice? Shall our demands of strict justice be answered by appeals to our compassion and our gratitude; gratitude towards those, from whom, in return for our unsparing liberallity, we have received nothing of which we are not ashamed?In another view of this matter, who can fail to foresee, that if justice be now denied, or withheld (which is exactly the same in effect), the people will, or can, continue cheerfully to contribute towards the means of supporting the war? If they see expedition after expedition fail; if they see one year's taxes wasted after another; if they see, battle after battle, and even victory after victory, lead, in the end, to nothing good, but uniformly to something bad; if they see that, having now reached what appears to be the lowest stage of the military bathos, justice is withheld from them: if they see this, is it, I ask, possible, that they should still chearfully contribute to the continuation of military expenditure; an expenditure amounting to nearly one half of the taxes now raised? Before I conclude this article, it occurs to me, that some notice is due to the argument, grounded on the assertion, "that our main object was to get the French "out of Portugal." This argument is plausible, because it evidently was one of our objects to get the French out of Portugal; but, the conclusion, at which this fact points, is not the less fallacious. It was our

object to get the French out of Portugal; but, the means were to be taken into view; for, it was not our object to accomplish that purpose with a total disregard of the

means.

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Suppose, for instance, our wise and valiant commanders had got Junot to quit Portugal, in consequence of a Convention, that should have sent him, at once, by the nearest cut, to Bilboa; would that have been to attain the intended object? Suppose such Convention had put him in possession of our fleet off the Tagus and had put Cadiz harbour into his hands; or suppose, it had stipulated for the surrender to him of Guernsey, Jersey, and the Isle of Wight. There can be no doubt, but Junot, for either of these, would have consented to leave Portugal, particularly as he was to have ships to carry him away. The French would have been got out of Portugal; but, will any man say, that it was our intention, that it was our "main object,” to get the French out of Portugal upon such terms? No: it is a crafty, catching sophism, invented to prop a vile cause. get the French out of Portugal was regarded as the proof of the success of our efforts; but, our main object was, to defeat the French, to humble them in the eyes of the world, and, at the same time, to raise our own character for good faith as well as for military prowess and skill. This was the main object; and does not every man's com mon sense tell him, that no part of this great object has been accomplished ?— As to the now magnified numbers, which the French army in Portugal has assumed, it is such a slavish imitation of Falstaff's lying story of the men in buckram that it were a shame to waste one's time in a refu tation of the falsehood; but, I will just put this question to my reader: whether he believes, that, if Junot had had 25,000 fight-. ing men in Portugal, he would not have been instantly shot, upon his arrival in France?There is yet one topic remaining. I beg the public to note the arts, which are now making use of, to excite doubts, at least, in the public mind, with regard to the conduct and merits of Sir Arthur Wellesley. Scarce

ly a day passes, but we see some paragraph, in the Nabobs' newspaper, having evidently this object in view. Take the following two, for instance, from the Morning Post of the 8th instant. "Sir A. Welles"ley had a party of his friends at a grand "dinner at his residence in the Phonix "Park, on Tuesday last, being the first ge "neral invitation given by him since his re"turn from Portugal. The Lord Lieute

"nant of Ireland gave a grand military din

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ner in honour of Sir A. Wellesley, at the "vice regal lodge yesterday se'nnight, to "which all the general officers were invited." Now, whether the facts be true or false, the intention, obviously, is, to make the public believe, that Sir Arthur has done nothing that he is ashamed of, and that the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland and "all the general "officers" are of the same opinion.. But, whatever this Lord Lieutenant (the Duke of Richmond) may be, in other respects, we all know, that he is one of the ministry; and therefore, his honouring of Sir Arthur Wellesley ought to have no more weight with us, than if the honour had been bestowed by Lord Hawkesbury or Lord Castlereagh. These lords honoured him by presenting him to the king, on the very day, and in the very room, when and where a petition was presented to the king against an act, in which he had a principal share; but, that honour did not silence the nation, who still continue to censure that act, and to express their indignation that any attempt should be made to screen its authors from justice.But, the most barefaced trick of this sort, is, the Address, which has been published, as presented to Sir Arthur Wellesley, by the officers of the army in Portugal, eulogising his character and his conduct. There are persons, who have had the impudence to appeal to this Address as a proof of the meritorious conduct of Sir Arthur Wellesley, and even as a proof of his innocence of the misconduct, which he nation imputes to him.

In the first place, this is something quite novel in the army. The army has not been looked upon, since the days of Cromwell, as a body proper to deliberate, and especially as to matters relating to the merits of those who are to command it, or who have commanded it. Next, we may be pretty sure, that where such means of ob. taining praise are resorted to, there exists a consciousness of a want of what is really deserving of praise. We see how easy it is for the ministers, at any time, and upon any occasion, to obtain flattering Addresses from their creatures: and, let it be remembered, that Sir Arthur Wellesley was not only known to be one of the ministers, but one of the most powerful of them. People in the army are, as well as other people, sagacious enough to discover which is the road to promotion, and if the reader should happen to think, that none of the officers of our numerous army, have any thoughts about any thing but fighting, he is egregiously deceived. We never heard of any Addresses pr pieces of plate being presented, by their

officers to the Duke of Marlborough or Lord Nelson, or to any other of our justly renowned commanders. They left it for the nation, the counties, the cities, the bo roughs, and other bodies of the people at home; they left it to the admiration and gratitude of those whom they had served, to present them with Addresses and tokens of regard. The Addressers in Portugal did not think of a sword to present to their hero. A piece of plate they seem to have thought more appropriate; and, to say the truth, their taste was not a little commendable, though a man of the right stamp would as suredly have used it for the purpose of knocking their teeth down their throats. Had they, indeed, presented him with any of the standards, which, doubtless, during such a ric torious battle, they took from the enemy, the example of a great captain of the last century, who, with such trophies, made a bed of honour for the king of France, might have been cited; but, to present him with a piece of plate, bought out of their pay, that is to say, out of the taxes; to come to him with a thing, the like of which is given by underwriters to a master of a vessel, who has saved a cargo from the waves; a thing which is given to a meritorious sheepfeeder, or a discoverer of the means of kil ling the fly in turnips; to furnish him with an article symbolical of thrift, a commodity for a pawnbroker's shop; thus to fit him out! Why, it was very well for them and for him; but, let them not ima gine, if another thought of the same cast should come athwart their brains, that the people of England are thus to be duped. No, no, gentlemen, we beg you to leave to the agreeable task of making due acknowledgment of the merits of your commanders. We, who have long and most patiently been paying you, desire to be left to judge your merits by your deeds, and not by your words. We wish to hear less of your writing and more of your fighting. Send us home standards; club your swords for that purpose, and do not club your shillings to buy pieces of plate for those, who are able to obtain you promotion. We have sense enough left to perceive, that that general, who is least fond of dangerous enterprizes, may frequently be most in favour with his officers. And, as a closing hint (in case this sheet should reach you) you may be assured, that much more acceptable to us, than your endless list of endless letters, alusing the French, would be one single lettet of three lines, letting us know that you beaten them.

Bailey, Nov. 10, 1808.

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** The Letter be ow ought to have been inserted last week. It is no longer applicable to its ima.diate purpose; but, it contains so many just and appropriate sentiments, that I cannot prevail upon myself to omit altogether.

I beg leave to point out to the readers of the Register two adairable letters, signed X. Y. which were published in the COURIER newspaper of the 8th and 9th instant, especially the latter.

COBBETT'S

Parliamentary Debates.

The Eleventh Volume of the PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES, comprising the period from the 11th of April to the close of the last Session, is ready for delivery. In the Appendix to this Volume, besides several valuable Reports will be found all the Annual Accounts relative to the Finance and Commerce of Great Britain and Ireland; documents which are not to be met with in any other work extant. Complete sets of the Parliamentary Debates, from the commencement in 1803, may be had of the Publishers.

The Fifth Volume of COBBETT'S PARLIAMENTARY HISTORY OF ENGLAND, embracing the period from the Revolution in 1068, to the Union in 1707, will be ready for delivery on the 20th of December.

CONVENTION IN PORTUGAL.

Woodcote House, Hants, Oct. 24. SIR;-Had I not concluded, that your invitation of the 1st of this month, to the freeholders of this county, to join you in a requisition to the high sheriff to call a county meeting, upon the present most ex4sperating and mortifying occasion, the inexplicable infamy of this Portugal Convention, would, of course, have been accepted by scores of indignant individuals, I had certainly answered your challenge to remon strate, as soon as I had read your Register of that day. Since, however, I rather collect from your Register since that date, that such has not been the case; though I am not in the habit of putting myself forward on such occasions, I cannot forbear, though thus late, (if none other has or will) to close with your invitation to petition the king, in respectful, but firm language, for the earliest and the strictest scrutiny into this nauseous transaction; to the end that the author or authors of such an indelible disgrace and scandal to our country, and to manhood itself, may be brought to summary justice, and the most condign punishment; le them turn out to be who they may,

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stead of parliament being prorogued till Christmas, I cannot but think, as a preliminary to an effectual inquiry into this mysterious business, that it most undoubtedly ought to meet as soon as possible, at least on the day originally fixed upon in next month; that ministers may have an opportunity in their places of setting the public right, whether their doughty generals or themselves, are the fittest objects of blame, I, therefore, Sir, with the deepest indignation at the whole proceedings (the more particulars of which we come at, the worse the case seems to be) do thus formally accept your invitation to remonstrate in the strongest language, and to demand in the firmest tone, the earliest and the most rigid inquiry of the nation assembled in parliament, to rescue, if possible, the insulted and prostituted honour of the country; and on whomsoever the base-born act shall eventually attach, that his or their dastardly heads may fall, as a poor compensation and satisfaction for the gross suojection and prostra tion of Old England, to the insolent pretensions and intrigues of this execrable Corsican. It is impossible to find language to express one hundredth part of one's feelings on the subject; and how these generals could forbear jumping down Kellerman's throat when he had the consummate impudence to presume to dictate to those who had but the day before drubbed him soundly, I cannot for the life and soul of me conceive. I have not yet heard it asked, how Kellerman came to have such free egress and regress to and from his téte à téte with Sir Hew, without (as has as yet appeared) any previous leave or introduction asked; but without even a "by your leave" or "with

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your leave," he seems to have coolly dropped in upon Sir Hew's head quarters with all the easy familiarity of a brother officer, instead of the cautious and ceremobious admittance of a treacherous and beaten foe. And how Sir Arthur Wellesley (if he really felt as he professes, and wishes us to believe he did, confident of having done his duty) how he could possibly think of quitting the army immediately after two such creditable victories, and get leave of absence to come home, I can as little conceive, as for what purpose; unless (if he felt that he had acted right) impatient perhaps to receive the plaudits and homage of his noble relation the most noble Marquis Wellesley, and his Eastern admirers; or rather, if he felt (as I suspect he did feel, and must have felt), that on the contrary he had blasted his military laurels, in his civil capacity as a conventionist; in which case

he would very naturally wish to get smuggled home, that he might get (as he did) the first word with the ministers, and make his now story good. Under the singular predicament in which he stood on his return, I should have thought it would have been more natural for the "mens conscia recti," to have been at least anxious to ciear itself to an `indignant public by some address to them, if not to have courted and demanded an inquiry, rather than consent to be again smuggled off to his post in Ireland, leaving behind him a most unfavourable appression against him from this very circumstance, in addition to the violent prejudice previously entertaised of his conduct in the Portugal cabinet. How his patrons will justify their conduct in most indecently obtruding him upon the king's notice at the very moment a Petition was actually presenting in the same room, to have his conduct inquired into; and then, as it should seem, in mere contempt and defiance of the avowed sense and feeling of the nation, not only screening, but honouring and rewarding him (while labouring under this publicstigma) by re-dubbing him a member of the Irish cabinet, I confess I have some curiosity to see. With respect to the Address of the city of London, however the good citizens may have, from their previous conduct, merited a rap on the knuckles, it is no justification whatever of the most insulting folly in the ministers in their palming so thoroughly ungracious, not to say harsh a reproof upon the king, with the additional preposterous aggravation and contradiction, of calling it his majesty's most gracious Answer. I trust the witty wags will not by-and-bye pretend to say it was only meant as a neat piece of irony on the Corsican's manner of baptizing his replies to his good city of Paris. Though there be among the ministers, some three or four, deeming themselves cleverish lawyers, surely my learned friends have in this instance travelled out of the record; if not gone beyond their instructions likewise.-Hitherto, whenever I have thought upon the annual threat of invasion, I have always been disposed to consider it as impracticable: but, if this kind of tunnel be carried under the bed of the constitution, if this species of subterraneous and infernal passage be made through the bowels of the country, if this sort of fatal shaft be sunk to the heart and vitals of its existence, as this Portugal Convention is calculated to do; if it be not instantly and effectually dammed up, nothing more practicable than our invasion, nothing easier than Old England's ruin !-1 remain, Sir, yours, -R. L.

CONVENTION IN PORTUGAL. SIR;-As I have noticed in one of the late Addresses to his majesty, a wish expressed, that those who are guilty, with regard to the late unfortunate Convention, may experience the royal displeasure; and as I think it natural to suppose, that a man would rather subject himself to the displeasure of all the potentates in Europe, than submit to lose the joint of his little finger, I think it my duty to request the insertion of the inclosed plain statement of facts in your justly popular paper, or something of a similar nature in your own energetic language. For my own part, I am so well convinced that in cases of this nature, individual mercy is public cruelty, that I do not hesitate to affirm my belief, that had I pronounced sentence upon General Whirelease, the Convention of Cintra never wonk 1: received the sanction of a British officer; cr at least, he must necessarily have been possessed of more courage than I ever knew man possessed of, who would dare even to listen to such an infamous proposal. And as the reason which deters the northern counties from addressing his majesty on this subject, is a belief that a petition with respect to the Convention is a censure on his Majesty's ministers, I have conceived it necessary to remove this prejudice and without the smallest injury to truth; for, if ever there was a time when the honour of the country and the preservation of the constitution required the sacrifice of partial interests, it never was more necessary than at this moment.I am, respectfully, Sr, &c.-M.-London, Nov. 4, 1808.

TO THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND.

To be truly loyal, my countrymen, it is not always necessary to be passive; circumstances sometimes, nay frequently occur, on which, it is the indispensable duty of all honest and loyal Englishmen to make known their sentiments to his majesty. First, because his majesty, being a human being like ourselves, is not infallible; and second, because it sometimes happens, that the partial interests of the nobles are put in com petition with the true interests and permanent security of his majesty and his people in the latter case, it surely is the duty of the people to support his majesty against the undue and improper influence of the nobles, and to express unanimously and publicly this their determination.-Whether the Convention of Cintra is one of those occurrences which precludes the necessity of publicly addressing his majesty, I leave you to determine; but certain I am, that it is

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he true interest of his majesty, and of his ajesty's people to endeavour to prevent a petition of the alarming, dreadful, and disraceful disasters, which have so frequently ccurred with respect to the military expeitions of this country: this can only be ccomplished, by a discovery of the causes which have produced such fatal effects.tis neither my intention to inflame your assions by eloquence, nor to sway your dgment by argument; but I shall take the berty of stating a few memorable facts for our consideration. Previous to the battle f Minden, British soldiers were invariably uccessful in the field; the victories obtained by British armies in those days, were victoies; expedition was then expedition; and merit at that time was merit. Since that peiod you cannot be ignorant, that victory as frequently assumed the disguise of de eat; that expedition has become a mere reeping thing; and that merit is now undertood to mean, rank, fortune, and influence. Do not imagine, my countrymen, that I onsider the result of Lord George Sackille's trial the (sole) cause of these extrardinary" occurrences;" indeed I really do ot: at the same time I must state, that had he people of England, during the progress f Lord G. S.'s trial been animated with the ame laudable feeling with which they are How animated-or bad the members of that ourt martial been such men as i could have vished,—I am perfecty convinced, that the requent repetitions of similar misfortunes would not have disgraced the pages of Briish history. I shall not affirm that Lord . S. escaped just and salutary punishment, ecause the truth is, that at this moment, am not qualified to decide whether disgrace 3, or is not, a punishment: however, for he purpose of forming a just conclusion on his subject, I am now studying moral philoophy, and should I find it proved to my atisfaction that men who deserve extreme unishment, are capable of feeling disgrace is the greatest of all possible punishments," I shall immediately communicate the imporcant discovery to his majesty's attorney general, who will without doubt recommend it to the consideration of the judges at the Old Bailey. I have long been of opinion, that disgrace to an innocent, to an honourable man, is the greatest evil which can possibly befal him; and I am confirmed in this opinion, by the demonstration of an eminent moral philosopher, who also assures me, that what is an evil to the innocent, is not always a punishment to the guilty. However this may be, 1 shall not at present hazard any remarks upon such a tender sub

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ject. In thus addressing you, I am neither actuated by party motives, nor private feelings. I am by no means dissati-fied with his majesty's present ministers; on the contrary, when I consider the nominal opposi tion of their enemies, and the real oppotion of their friends, I am compelled to appland their conduct, and on the whole, from my own knowledge of the vast abilities of some British generals, their secretaries, commissaries, &c. &c. I heartily acquit ministers of all charges which have been urged against them, with respect to the late dismal and unfortunate Convention. I now implore you, oh! my countrymen! no longer to remain silent, and passive spectators of events which involve the dearest interests of your country; but to make known, in a respectful manner, to a justly beloved sovereign, the disappointed hopes of a loyal people.-&c. JNO. HOMESPUN.

DEFENCE OF THE CONVENTION.

SIR. The penetrating genius of Hudibras discovered that one spur was sufficient to make both sides of a horse go; wisely reasoning, that while one side of the animal was in action, the other could not be at rest. You appear to have also made a discovery, though not equal to Hudibras'; his reasoning was incontrovertible; yours will only convince those who conclude without investigation; and who will consequently read ly believe, that you would not devote a dozen lines of your Register of the 15th inst. to explain what you intended by the expres

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"next arrival," unless your meaning had been misrepresented; that you would not contend, unless opposed; appeal, un less resisted; or triumph, unless victorious. But, it is impossible to repel where no attack is made, and ridiculous to attack where no vulnerable point presents itself; and I felt perfectly satisfied that it was impos sible to extract from my letter to you of the 30th ult. any one sentence from which, when properly considered with its context, you, possessing no moderate share of ingenuity, could make it appear, that the fair and natural inference coincided with what, in your explanation, you state you never intended. My meaning evidently was, that "the public could not reasonably expect that an unconditional surrender of the French forces in Portugal would be the immediate consequence of their defeat at Roleia and Vimiera," that "the defeats sustained by the French on the 17th and 21st Sept. did not materially increase the probability of eventually expelling them from Portugal more speedily, or on terms more advantageous,

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