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the dethronement of that king; another, the appointment of a successor; and a third, the passing of a positive law, enacting and establishing the right of the subject to petition. This ight was declared, claimed," asserted, and enacted, by an act passed in the reign of William and Mary. The house of lords being assembled, first drew up a Declaration of the crimes of king James, stat ing, that he had endeavoured to subvert and extirpate the laws and liberties of this kingdom; first, by assuming illegal powers;" and second, “by committing and prosecuting divers worthy prelates, for humbly petitioning to be excused from concurring to the said assumed powers." We know, from history, that they afterwards declared what their righs and liberties should be hereafter. They cainted, demanded, and insisted upon them, as the sole condition upon which they would acknowledge William and Mary; and one of them was this: That it is the Right of the subject to petition the King," This is one amongst the express conditions upon which the present king's family were called to the throne They bargained, not only for the preserving of those rights from violation, but from all attempts upon them. Such is the language of the constitution and law of England, and upon this strong ground it is, that I submit to you, Gentlemen, the following Address: TO THE KING'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY. *The humble Address and Petition of the

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Nobility, Gentry, Clergy Freeholders, and Inhabitants of the County of Southumpton.

We your majesty's most dutiful subjects, "the nobility, gentry, clergy, freeholders, " and in a'itants of the county of South

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ampton, humbly approach your majesty *with an expression of our deep regret at "the Convention lately entered into by the "commanders of your majesty's forces and "the commander of the French forces in "Portugal, a Convention which we deem

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disgraceful to your majesty's arms, great"ly injurious to the interest of this nation, "and still more injurious to the interests "and the glorious cause of your majesty's

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faithful allies, now engaged in a perilous conflict for the recovery and presernation "of their rights and liberties.—Mindfal "that at the happy period when those laws

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were made, by which your majesty's fa mity was placed upon the throne of this kingdom, it was claimed, deminded, and insisted upon, solemnly assented to, and Legally enacted, that it was the right of "the subject to petition the king; and fully convinced that it is of the utmost imporDiscounts. 4.

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"tance to the preservation of our liberties, that this right should at all times be freely exercised in all matters of tablic riceance, without obstruction or repont, we humbly pray that your majesty will be graciously pleased to institute such un In•quiry relative to the said Convention, as "will secure a full and open developement of the real causes of a transaction, which "has brought so foul a stain upon the honour of our country, and has rendered unavailing the valour of your majesty's troops, and the vast pecuniary sacrifices of your faithful, heavily burdened, and patient people. And this application to the justice and paternal care of your majesty we deem the more necessary at this time, because, during the eventual period of "the last fifteen years "various enterprizes an expeditions have been undertaken, in which the character of the country and the "honour of your majesty's arms were con"cerned, which have grievously failed and

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disappointed the hopes and expectations of "the nation, and into which duc inquiry "has not been made.”

The Rev. Mr BAKER seconded this Amendinent; by saying, that he would not do it if he did not conceive that every honest Engishinen should heartily concur in

The Rev. Mr. POULTER Dext offered himself to the meeting" Mr. High Sheriff and Gentlemen, I rise for the purpose of repiz. ing to some of the observations which have fallen from the individual who has last addressed you. In doing so I feel it my duty to limit myself to that part of his arguments which are applicable to the subject for which we are convened, and which shall serve to lead to the question before us. Much stress has been laid upon the Answer which the corporation of the City of London has received from his majesty.-An endeavour has been made to prove, that it gave no positive promise of an acquiescence in the object sought by the address of that corporation. I contend for the contrary; and feeling as I do, that his majesty's Answer on that point was, complete, explicit, nl satisfactory(No! No! No!)-Tins being my opinion, I am not bound to refer to the other part of that Answer, which was alone applicable to the true spirit of the duress. In that Address was introduced extraneous matter, ia my mind in an ill-advised, intemperate, and indiscreet manner. To the address just read, there is, I confess, no such objection, inasmuch as it limits its prayer to investigation, and prays for justice alone! There is no call for punishment before investigation is insti tuted, as in the Address from the Citizens of

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London. But, with the answer to these Citiens before the country, let me ask the neessity of petitioning at all? Have we not the highest authority in the kingdom plodyed to us, that an inquiry will be promptly astituted into the causes which led to an event that has disappointed the hopes and expectations of the country?" Could I for a moment believe that such an inquiry would not take place, there is no man in this assembly who would exert his utmost efforts to obtain that object in re willingly than myself. But, with the king's Answer before me, I must declare that I am satisfied on that point, and, therefore, think any application to the throne, for that which is already promised, quite unnecessary, and objectionable. In calling upon this meeting to abstain from an unnecessary address, I repose no unjustifiable confidence in either his majesty's Answer to the corporation of London, or in the sincerity of his ministers; but I call upon you to grant to a public instrument coming from such high authority, the same reliance as you are in the habit of observing in the ordinary intercourse of life. I know that it has been asserted, and I have seen it witten, that this instrument does not explicitly promise investigation. In order to remove all doubts upon that point, I am in possession of a fact which must be believed, if I am entitled to the common credence of society: I therefore declare, in the most unqualified manner, and am contented to be branded with the character of falsehood and duplicity if it prove otherwise, that an inqury is not only determined upon and about to commence, but that it will be carried on in the most open and public manner. For this information, I have the highest authority, though not from one of the cabinet, yet from a gentlem in closely connected with and holding a confidential office in, the administration. This authority I am ready to mante if called up. (Name, name, name!) In obedience to the wishes of this meeting, I will name my authority, but beg leave to premise, that with ministers. I have no connection whatever, although much attached to them. I am indebted for the fact to which I The alluded to my friend and neighbour Mr. Sturges Bourne (Loud laughter, mixed with disapprobation). I now pro Ceed to observe on a part of the speech of the gentleman, who preceded me, with peculiar satisfaction; because I there fally coincide in his opinion. Indeed, to differ from a man of undoubted talents, a powerful and argumentative writer, is not the most gratifying occurrence.-Those great qualities am always ready to attribute to him (MF.

Cobber'), although it has been my lot to have smarted under their application. (Hear! hear!) I only ask in return the same right to form my own opinion, which he claims for himself, and, when necessary, to assert it manfully and without constraint. That the right to petition our sovereign is a great paramount privilege, secured by law to the subjects of this country, is what I trust no man will ever presume to deny. Were that birthright of Britons invaded, most cheerfully would I shed the last drop of my blood to recover and to re-assert it. But, although there can be no question as to the right, there may be a question as to the expediency of exercising it. It is because I deem its exercise at present inexpedient, that I oppose the resolution of the noble lord, and the Address of the last speaker. And, let it be remembered, that if ever there was a part of the royal prerogative which the constitution of this kingdom treats with most delicacy, it is that very part which the proposed Address calis in question, namely, the conclusion of treaties and conventions and the appointment of officers. If inclined, I could also speculate, as the friends to petitioning have done, on the specific relation and general tendency of this Convention, which has been so much reprobated. But so enamoured am I of fair and public investigation, that I will abstain from hypothetical statements, and commit the developement of the facts to that military tribunal, which is the only one now legally competent to come to a fair decision upon such a case. Should there, from such developement, appear circumstances which affect the responsibility of his majesty's advisers, there is no doubt but that the zeal of party, an I indeed of every member of the legisla ture, will institute, with respect to them, the fullest parliamentary investigation.—The last speaker has attempted to impeach the character of general Sir Arthur Wellesley. On that point I pat myself in direct opposition to him (Mr. Cobbett). Whether that distinguished oficer tills his civil situation in Ireland with advantage to the public I shall not stop to inquire. I am not in possession of any means to form an opinion upon that subject. I am confident that it stands as high at home, as in the country where he has been so gallantly serving. If it should stand rather higher in Portugal, it is because, amongst his brave companions in arms, his character is so respected and established that nothing in the shape of charge even insinuation has ever presumed to approach it. (Hear! Hear!) Ask any one of that brave army where general Sir A. Wellesley was to

be found on the day of the battle, and the answer will be, "in the hottest of the fight." (Hear! Hear!) In reviewing the conduct of any individual, common justice enjoins us not to anticipate guilt, nor to subject our judgments to the influence of prejudice. And surely if ever there was body more entitled, not alone to the benefits of im. partiality, not alone to your protection from prejudgment, but even to your indulgence, they are those military and naval men who brave every danger, subinit to every privation, and are continually risking their lives for the defence of your interests, and the advancement of your prosperity and glory. -(Hear! Hear 1)-Should it unfortunately) happen, that a disgraceful event should oc cer, such as has taken place under general Dalrymple,-(Not fair, exclaimed Mr. Baker, to accuse one officer, in order to screen the other.) I do not accuse, but call upon you to forbear from being influenced by your prejudices, and to wait until you know the result of the inquiry which has been instituted. With respect to the state of this country, I will say but little. I admit that every possible check ought to be given to the progress of corruption. In fact that destructive stalking horse, and I do believe, that reform is in a course of proceeding―(A laugh. No! No! No!) I do deprecate any factious attempt to alienate the people at this peculiar crisis from the executive governfor our safety must depend upon our ment; union united we cannot fall, and divided we cannot stand. I therefore feel it my duty to propose as an Amendment to the Resolution proposed by the noble lord, not an adjournment, but a motion to this effect, That notwithstanding the disappointment experienced throughout the country in consequence of the late Convention, yet, that his majesty having already pledged himself to institute an Inquiry, it is expedient on the part of the people to forbear any further interference until the result of such inquiry be known.

Mr. PORTALL.-"Gentlemen, since the Resolution was proposed by the noble lord, an Amendment has been submitted, directly contrary to the tendency and object of the former. The grounds upon which this amendment stands are, that our Address is unnecessary—and next, that by our interference we are guilty of projudging. To such a conclusion I never can subscribe ; because I am impressed irresistibly with the propriety of expressing to our sovereign our deep regret that this disgraceful Convention should ever have taken place; and next, that the causes which led to this stain upon

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our character should be fully and openly developed. What! if a foul murder be committed, do we not call it murder? We certainly do and shall we be subjected to the imputation of prejudging, because we reprobate a Convention which all admit to be disgraceful to the British name, and prejudicial to the interest of our allies? Can any man who views the whole, or any part of this transaction, deny that it does fully merit all the reprobation which it has received? We first find, that the French commander, apprehensive of our army in Portugal being reinforced, did practice every expedient, by collecting his whole force, marching out from his entrenchments, to bring the British troops as quickly as possible to an engagement. Yet, notwithstanding all his activity and address, he is completely beaten by one half of the British force. With this victorious army, in momentary expectation of considerable reinforcements, a large Portuguese army co-operating with us, in a country. hostile to the enemy, almost to any extreme of vengeance, what was to be expected ?— Surely, nothing short of unconditional capitulation, (Hear! Hear! Hear!) Did any man dream of any other result? (Hear! Hear!) Yet, the very next day after this brilliant victory, we learn that the British commander concluded an Armistice or preliminary treaty, by which the defeated French army was to be conveyed to France in British ships, there to be immediately forwarded to fight against the heroic Spaniards, engaged as they are in the most glorious of all causes, the emancipation of their native country from a vile and base There is something still more usurpation. extraordinary-our commanders gave ma numission and pardon to all the traitors in Portugal. That is, we have marshalled in that country a depot of French spies kept under British protection, and guaranteed by British faith. (Hear! hear! hear!) Why, instead of delivering Portugal, which was our object, from plunder and aggres sion, we have delivered the French army from destruction, in order to afford it fresh opportunities for enterprise and hostility. (Hear! hear!). I have not men tioned the part of this disgraceful event, which went to affect the interests, nay, the safety of our Swedish ally. It ii not upon an occurrence the most dark, mys terious aud inscrutable that ever was hatched, that the people of England ought to remain inert. For my part, I never will by my silence become a foul participator in this, act of disaster and disgrace. No; I contend

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that this is the moment when the people of England ought to declare to the world, the regret, indignation, and mortification, which they feel at this ignominious event—that wherever the poison goes, the antidote should follow. (Hear! hear! hear!) But, my reverend friend tells us, that inquiry is promised positively. I deny it in toto: to be sure, there is in the Answer to the corporation of London, something in the shape of a petty composition, from which such an inference may be extracted; but even what kind of inquiry is that?-A due inquiry! What is a due inquiry? The ministers will tell you, one that does not affect us. The generals will answer, such a one as will acquit us—(A laugh.) The people will frame their opinion of it, as it accords with their particular impressions on the subject. Bat, we have this day been apprised, from the authority of Mr. Sturges Bourne, that it willbe not only a due, but a public inquiry. Now, I say, that if we had Mr. Sturges Bourde, or even my Lord Hawkesbury, here, and if, after examination and re-ex amination," we could extract no other information, I would not be satisfied. Courts of Inquiry, or Courts Martial, cannot satisfy, because they cannot embrace the deveopement of all the causes For the conduct of all the persons to whom this disgraceful measure may probably be ttributable. The country wants, and ought o have, a full, open, and parliamentary nvestigation. The opposers of the Address rgue, that the inquiry which we seek is romised, and will certainly take place. If hat be so, if we only ask what ministers re disposed to give, we do no harm by our nterference, nor can our application to the hrone be considered offensive.-(Hear! Hear!)-But, when I see this anxiety to revent petitioning, and that there exists n a certain quarter such uneasiness on that ccount, my suspicions are aroused; I doubt he sincerity of the promise, and think it he duty of the people to exercise their valuable and undoubted right.—(Hear! Hear!)-The people of this country ought ot to remain inactive, because the city of London has petitioned and received an Answer. That great body may be far our uperiors in a commercial view, but that is o reason for our acting similarly in our lain country way.-(A laugh.)—It is upon hese grounds that I consider it the most oyful act of my life to support the Resolution proposed, because I conceive, `by so doing, endeavour to rescue my country, in the pinion of the world, from any participation this foul transaction.

The Amendment, as proposed by the Rev. Mr. Poniter, was then read, amidst strong murmurs of disapproval and was seconded by the Rev. Mr. Garnet; who considered the country bound by every tie of gratitude to an aged and venerable monarch, to await the fulfilment of his gracious promise for investigation.

The SHERIFF then put the question on the Amendment, as proposed by the Rev. Mr. Poulter, which was negatived unanimously, with the exception of about ten persons in that crowded assembly. The Resolution of Lord Northesk was then unanimously carried.

Mr. COBBETT.-" In pursuance of the Resolution now carried, I move, That the Address and Petition read by me, and now in the hands of the Deputy Sheriff, be the Address and Petition of this meeting."

A desultory conversation then took place, in which it was considered a point of etiquette to receive the Address from the proposer of the Resolution.

Mr. CORRETT." I stand here in the exercise of a right, and cannot wave it upon a point of courtesy. I come here with my neighbours, the slaves of no party, and in order to afford to independent men an opportunity of asserting their opinion. In justice, therefore, I must persevere in pressing the motion which has been duly put."

The Address of Lord Northesk was then read, as well as that of Mr. Cobbett; and the question was pat, which of them the meeting would approve. On the first shew of hands, the numbers were so balanced, that the High Sheriff could not decide. It was then proposed, that they should go into the onter hall to be divided, and, accordingly, several departed. Some conversation took place between the two parties. It was proposed to Mr. Cobbett, by Lord Northesk's friends, to appoint a committee for the purpose of combining the two Addresses, or rather forming one out of the two; but Mr. Cobbett thought proper to decline all compromise. The Sheriff proposed that the vote should be taken upɔn the two Addresses by the holding up of hats. Those who remained in court, accordingly, held up their hats; when it was decided, that the majority were in favour of the following Address, as proposed by Lori Rorthesk, and seconded by Sir Thomas Millor :

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"TO THE KING'S Mose LucLUÊNT MAJESTY May at lease voer i esty, "-We, your Majesty's mae Iuriful and "loyal subjects, the nobil "clergy, freeholders, aud

tants, of the county of South

1, beg

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MAJOR HOGAN'S APPEAL.

The demand for this Pamphlet continues to be such as might naturally be expected from the extraordinary nature of the case. It appears from the advertisement to the fifth edition, that no less than 5000 copies have been already disposed of. What an evidence of the public feeling, and of the mierest which this production is calculated to excite! Several attacks have been pubished against Major Hogan, in consequence of his vigorous Appeal. Bat those attacks appear totally unworthy of attention; for it would be inconsistent with that gentleman's character and jodgament, to notice what canbut make the sliginest impression upon any man of common candour or common sense. To those who comment so particularly upon

CITY OF LONDON. RESOLUTION RELATIVE TO

THE KING'S ANSWER. (See the ANSWER at p. 040). On Thursday, the 27th of October, the Common Council of London assembled to receive the Auswer to their Address, on the subject of the Convention which terminated the campaign in Portugal. The Recorder having read the Answer :

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Mr. WAITHMAN rose and addressed the court. He could, he said, not allow this Answer to pass without some observations, stating it at the same time to be his intention to propose such a Resolation founded upon it, as the nature of the case appeared to him to demand. He confessed that this was a subject of some delicacy, and it was probable he would hear several objections to the course he was pursuing from the gentleman opposite (Mr. S. Dixon), and others, who seemed much more anxious to avoid whatever might be disagreeable to the crown; than to guard the rights and privileges either of the democratical or aristocratical branches. of our constitution. But the answer was constitutionally to be considered as that of his majesty's advisers, and as such he felt himself perfectly at liberty to coinment upon it. He therefore thought it unnecess• ary to say any thing further on that point. With regard to the Answer itself, he, certainly thought it a most extraordinary one. He conceived that the corporation of London had a right to approach the throne with petitions and remonstrapces, even although his majesty might have expressed an intention of adopting such proceedings as they might recommend, it was proper that the king should be acquainted with the state of public opinion on all occasions, whether for or against the measures of the ministers, and it was the duty, as well as the privilege of the subject to give that information to the crown. It was the mode established by the constitution, for convey

the final Letter, the publisher very properlying the truth to the ear of the sovereign, in

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observes, that that letter has no commec

*tion with the case of Major Hogan. The

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case, in fact, closes before tits letter is presented; and it does not bear in any degree upon the grounds of that merito"rious officer's complaint; which complaint rests entirely upon documents, the authenticity of which is quite unquestionable; namely, the letters of the Duke of York's Colonel Gordon."

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ERRATA in the last Register, p. 700. In the last paragraph of Major Cartwright's Letter, read-executive sovereign; du, supreme executive power.

spite of the machinations of those around him who might wish to keep him in darkness. This was not a right conceded by the crown as a favour; but one required and. demanded at the Revolution as essential to our civil liberties, and to be exercised without obstruction or censure. It appeared from the records of the court, that they had often gone up with petitions and remonstrauces to the throne, drawn up in a style and spirit much less humble than their late Address, and yet the answers had not been of so repulsive a description. But the degrading reply which they had just heard read, they had drawn upon themselves;

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