as I am credibly informed, always voted, upon all occasions, for the ministry of the day. This I know, that, while Lord Grenville and his colleagues were in power, the Garnier family supported, and that too with great zeal, Messrs. Herbert and Thistlethwaite, and that, when the dissolution took place upon the turning out of that ministry, the Garnier family as zealously supported Sir Henry Mildmay and Mr Chute, against whom they had used such strenuous exertions only about eight or nine months before. The fact is, Gentleinen, and you must see it clearly, that persons so situated must obey whomsoever is minister; for, though, as in this case, the place may not be liable to be actually taken away; yet, where the amount is not precisely fixed, the minister has it in his power to render it, by one means or another, worth little or nothing; and, in all cases where a man has to account he is wholly in the power of the minister, though his accounts should be fair and correct, the latter having so many means ns of embarrassing and worrying and persecuting him. So that, you see, the loss of the money is not the only, nor is it the least evil. The money is lost to us in the first place, and, next, it makes part of our countrymen join the minister in support of his imposing heavier burdens on us, or, as at the present time, in an endeavour to stifle the voice of the people. Let us trace this a little more iminutely. Mr. Garnier receives, as you have seen, twelve thousand pounds a year out of the taxes, raised upon the nation. These twelve thousand pounds a year must, unless they be buried under ground, or locked up in a chest, produce a proportionate influence. The depositing and employing and expending them creates an influence amongst all descriptions of persons: bankers, stewards, farmers, timber merchants, tradesmen of all sorts. This influence is at all times exercised in behalf of the minister of the day; and, therefore, it inevitably follows, that the greatness of the power of the ministry of the day, is in exact proportion to the amount of what we pay in taxes; or, in other words, that, from the moment that the public treasure becomes a source of influence at elections and other public meetings, taxation and absolute power grow up together like the bark and wood. Gentlemen, I know, that this is termed democratical and jacobinical talk. Alas! Gentlemen, these words have done wonders. The late minister, Pitt, of wasteful memory, drew millions upon millions out of our pockets by the help of a few words of this sort. I dare say, that there will not be wanting persons to charge me with disloyalty, because I wish the Portugal generals to te tried, and because I object to Mr. Garnier's receiving twelve thousand a year out of the taxes for doing nothing. It has, Gentlemen, been the constant practice of those, who live upon the public money, to answer their accusers, not by showing, or attempting to show, that they merited the money the received out of the taxes, but by charges of disloyalty. Tell one of them that he wallows in luxury at the expence of a hardworking and half-starved people: his answer is, that you wish to overturn the government; for, you will always perceive, that, with this tribe, government and impunity for public plundering means the same thing. Just as if you must necessarily be a traitor, because your temper will not permit you to see your money taken away, without inquiring a little what is done with it! But, Gentlemen, when an opportunity serves, let us take care that no answer of this sort shall have its intended effect; let us not waste our breath in refuting the charge of high treason, but continue to urge our accusation, reserving our own defence till a defence has been made by those whom we shall accuse. Talk as long as we will, here is the root of the evil. The public money, the money paid by the people in taxes, do, and will, 'till a constitutional reform take place, operate in a way to deprive the people of their spirit, and, of course, of their rights. But, Gentlemen, because to effect this reform is difficult; because we do not, at once, clearly perceive the grounds of a hope of accomplishing it, let us not, therefore, say, that the thing is out of our power. Every thing almost, from which any advantage, public or private, is to arise, appears difficult at first; but, when once, we heartily set about it, the difficulties, however great and numerous, soon appear less both in number and in magnitude. What we want is public virtue. Possessed of that, every thing, which reason bidges wish to attain, would be soon in our power. But, that is indispensable. Men must come with their hands clean and their minds perfectly independent; that is to say, perfectly free from selfish views, or they will do nothing good. We are seduced into degradation; and a great additional morfification, is, that we are seduced with our own money. We are the slaves of that gold, which we ourselves have earned with the sweat of our brow. Gentlemen, my sincere opinion is, that nothing, can preserve this country from becoming a conquest of France, but a con, stitutional reform of the abuses, which now notoriously exist, and some of which I had the honour to point out to the meeting yesterday. The manner, in which the meeting received my statement; the hearty welcome which was given to sound principles and home truths, expressed in direct and plain terms, encourages me to hope, that the breasts and minds of my country-approbation of this meeting. It will em men will, as those of their fathers were. yet be found to be the seat of courage and of sense; and, that the day is much less distant than the corruptors and the corrupted imagine, when a proper exertion of these will produce its natural effects. HAMPSHIRE MEETING. THE CONVENTION OF CINTRA. On Wednesday, the 2d instant, pursuant to a public requisition, the High Sheriff, George Hanbury Mitchell, Esq. convened a Meeting of the nobility, gentry, freeholders, and inhabitants of the county of Southamp ton, at the Castle of Winchester, for the purpose of taking into their consideration the propriety of addressing his majesty upon the subject of the Convention of Cintra. The meeting was numerous and highly respectable. The High Sheriff having taken the chair,. Lord NORTHESK presented himself to the attention of the meeting, for the purpose of proposing a Resolution. He hoped that on a subject involving deeply the character and interests of the country, it would not be deemed a presumption in him to offer to their consideration a motion, expressive of the wishes of the county of Hants, to request a full Inquiry into the causes which led to that disgraceful event, the Convention of Cintra. After these prefatory remarks, his lordship proposed the following Resolution : Resolved, That an humble and dutiful "Address and Petition be presented to his majesty, expressing our grief and regret at "the Convention lately entered into by the “commanders of his majesty's forces in Por tugal, and the commander of the French army in Lisbon, praying his majesty to "institute such full, public, and effectual Inquiry into this transaction, as will lead to the discovery of all those causes which produced an event so injurious to the honour of this country, and the interest of "its allies." Mr. COBBETT then rose ani spoke to the following effect: Mr. High Sheriff; so far from disapproving of any part of the Resolution which has just now been read, I have to state, that I heartily approve of every word of it. I have, however, a proposition to submit to the meeting, which I hope, although coming from a person of so litte consequence as myself, will meet with the brace the object of this Resolution, while it will go farther, but yet, I hope, not 100 far. As to the merits or demerits of the Conven. tion, I think that is a question pretty nearly set at rest; for I have never heard from the lips of any of those who are hostile to a Pe rition or Address to his Majesty for an I quiry, any argument in justification of the Convention. It has been urged, that ar petition for inquiry is unnecessary. Who told us so ? From whence is his majesty receive such a request but from his people We are told that he has already given a auswer to the Petition of the citizens London, informing them that a due inquiry will be instituted. He has not given ant such answer to us, the inhabitants of Hamp shire-(hear! hear! hear!) When the tell us that we ought not to present a Pes tion, because the city of London has re ceived an Answer (of which I shall hereafte speak more in detail), they do not tell # that that Answer was satisfactory. So t from it, we know that the Common Could have expressly declared that it is not sa factory, but that it was an ungracious An swer, and, as such, it is entered upon the Journals, Therefore, if we have received# Answer through the city of London, it is a unsatisfactory answer-(Applauses). So thi it the Answer to the city of London be a duced as a reason against our proceeding, w have the authority of that city itself, for coll sidering that Answer unsatisfactory-(4 plauses). This, Gentlemen, is almost the fis time of my addressing a public assembly; I only intend to present to you a few pla facts, such as my neighbours ought to knowneighbours, whom I am proud to acknowɖe 24 and from whose public spirit I euteriainos siderable hopes, notwithstanding the tre ment they have heretofore experienced—lik withstanding the time and manner in wh they have been trodden down (Applauses).– We know, Gentlemen, that Sir Arh Wellesley, one of the commanders upon fa occasion which has called us together, is 39 one of his Majesty's ministers; and we ar told, that which it is very natural to suspat that those ministers are anxious to scre him. In speaking of the conduct of me ters upon this occasion, and particularly he King's Answer to the city of London, I beg to be understood as alluding solely to ministers - not at all meaning to implicate is Majesty. This I premise, in order to guard against mistake or misconstruction. In my opinion, it is quite evident, that his Majesty's ministers are fully determined to creen Sir Arthur Wellesley. The proots of his determination are manifest. In the First place, when the news arrived of the Hisgraceful Convention, ministers withheld he communication as long as possible, and when at last obliged to make the communication to the abused people of this counry, in what manner did they do it? That part which it was most material to know; which, in fact, formed the basis of the whole; namely, the Armistice which was igned by Sir Arthur Wellesley, was pubshed in the French language. My neighurs do not understand French. God forid that they ever should! (Applauses) hey do not understand the meaning of the erms "Duc d' Abrantes," nor "Chevalier du Bain." Why did ministers give this part of e communication in French, while the emainder was given in English? The reaon is obvious. And in this act alone I see roof enough of their determination to screen at man. (Applauses.) Now, as to the bject of their preference. Sir Arthur Welsley, it is well known, is allied to a owerful family, which has risen to predoinance, not by great or useful talents of by description, not by eminent or laudable hievements, but by beating the poor Inans, just as a dog would hunt a flock of eep. Why, Gentlemen, Sir Arthur Welsley has no claim to the merit of generalup for his boasted victories in India; for be thousand English soldiers would beat en thousand Indians, with as much ease as vo of your dogs would drive a flock of eep out of a pinfold. (Laughter and aplauses) wish, Gentlemen, that this comander was here to hear me; but, although e be not present, there can be no doubt tat in a country where the minister has the istribution of seventy millions a year of the ublic money, there is scarcely a foot of it which their favourite will not find a iend. Let any such friend now answer e, and correct me if I am wrong, in stating be salaries and the services of Sir Arthur Vellesley. Before he left this country, that fficer enjoyed a salary of £0506 as chief ecretary of state in Ireland, besides his pay 3 colonel of a regiment, Ministers take im from that office and send him abroad as general; still leaving him in possession of he emoluments of his secretaryship in Ire land, although it was impossible for him-to execute its duties. Whence this extraordi. nary partiality? Why, because the Weilesley family have no less than twelve votes in the House of Commons. (Applauses.)---What is the next step of ministeric partiality towards this commander? No blame was imputed to him. No idea of trying him was even insinuated. He was not, in fact, recalled from the army, but allowed to come home upon leave of absence. And here let me remark,that although one of the pleas or apologies for concluding this infamous Convention was, that it would enable our army to march more expeditiously to the aid of the Spaniards; yet, when they were so enabled, their commander, Wellesley, came home, and left the army to go by itself. He came home before the other commanders, in order to tell the first story-in order to have an undue advantage over his colleagues. --Then, what is done upon his arrival? He is introduced at the king's levee; and on the very day, too, that the corporation of London present their Address. took at the contrast between the treatment experienced by that corporation, and the reception of Sir Arthur Wellesley! Although there were divers great persons at that levee; although there was a bishop and a judge among the circle, Sir Arthur Wellesley was the first person presented to his majesty: and most graciously was he received! But further still. After being thus cordially treated by his majesty, Sir Arthur is sent to resume iris office in Ireland, for which, as I have already observed, he has been all along in the receipt of £6,500 a year. Does this imply any inclination to subject Sir Arthur Wellesley to censure, or to bring him to trial? Quite the contrary. And my firm belief is, that in order to screen that commander, ministers will use their endeavours to screen his colleagues; from a just apprehension, that if these colleagues are brought to trial, they would probably impeach Wellesley. For these reasons, ministers may well be suspected, of a determination to prevent any thing like effectual inquiry. (Loud applauses)-But, G-ntlemen, you cannot help being surprised, that ministers should have thought it proper to employ Sir Arthur Wellesley at all, upon this occasion, when they had such a number of generals, from among whom they could select a commander. What was the necessity, then, for sending out that officer ? Why, Gentlemen, we have at this moment,' a Staff consisting of no less than 291 generals. What a boast ! (A laugh). The French have not half so many. Among these officers we have six field marshals!— There were, I say. 291 generals, of whom Sir Arthur Wellesley was one; and, out of all these officers, a man could not be chosen to send to Portugal, without withdrawing from Ireland its chief-secretary, upon whom so much of the government of that part of the United Kingdom rests. Well, Gentieinen, Sir Arthur goes out as a major general, and, after being deeply implicated in a transaction that has disappointed the "hopes and expectations of the country," he comes back, is cordially greeted by his majesty, and peacably proceeds to resume the possession of his lucrative office in Ireland. Such, Gentlemen, is the partiality of ministers to the Wellesley family! to a family to which you pay annually, and I wish you to bear it in mind, no less than 23,767, as appears by the following state This sum, observe, you are paying to tion of persons in the country, so destitute of humanity, who can feel any wish for the prolongation of war. They f en ask me, why do any men wish a continuation of the war? Above all, say they, the government of the country cannot be desirous for its duration. But, I could now, Gentlemen, begin to read a list, which would occupy two hours, of persons whose great interest consists in the duration of war, at all events, and under all circumstances and hazards. I shall mention one case to you. There is Mr. Garnier, the Apothecary, whom my neighbours call 'Squire Garnier of Wickham, (Here a mixed cry of Hear! Hear! and To the Question.) This Mr. Garnier, Gentle men, is an apothecary, and receives a salary, perquisites, and emoluments, amounting to £12,309. 10s. 5d a year for being Apothecary General to the Army. His perquisites are in proportion to the magnitude of that army, and the number of wounds they receive. Such a man, of course, must like the duration of war. It is the fault of government that he should have such an income." Here Sir Francis Baring rose to order;but the great body of the meeting calling ont "Go on, Go on" the honourable baronet could not obtain a hearing. The SHERIFF observed, that he thought overy thing irrelevant to the question should be omitted upon this occasion, and if there was any difference of opinion upon this subject, he must take the sense of the meeting upon it, being determined to preserve strict impartiallity. Mr. COBBETT" I have, Gentlemen, to apologize to you for having already detained you so long, by entering into what I conceive to be perfectly regular and relevant to the question at issue; but I will regulate my conduct by your judgment."-(An almost universal cry of "No, No; Go on, Go on," ensued) Sir FRANCIS BARING observed, that the meeting was called for a special purpose; that that purpose was of a public, not a private nature, and therefore it was, in his opinion, totally irregular to introduce the name of an individual who had nothing to do with the Convention. The honourable gentleman appeared to him not only to be making an attack upon Mr. Garnier, but also directly attacking the government of the country: he therefore hoped, that, taking it upon the principles of perfect justice, the Meeting would strictly adhere to the avowed purpose for which they had assembled. Mr. COBBETT then resumed."I was go ing on, Gentlemen, to shew the existence of motives likely to induce men to support our barracks and guard ships, and these he Duke of York gave up, by his disgraceful apitulation. That was a failure, surely, of reat magnitude, and yet it has never, to his day, been inquired into. Nearly the ame kind of ministers that were then in ower, now form the administration; and ve have a right to think that these ministers vill not be more anxious, if inconsistent vith their ministerial interest, to enter into in inquiry upon this occasion, than they were on the other. Unless we press hard in an appeal to his Majesty himself, no effectual Inquiry is likely to take place. (A cry of "Bravo! Bravo!")-It may not be inapplicable to the subject in question, and I hope it will not be thought out of order, to state how much the Duke of York, who then escaped inquiry, receives out of the public money for his services. We have, surely, as good a right to know the emoluments, as the services he performs for them. The Duke of York receives from the country in a pension the sum of £18,000 a-yearas colonel of the three battalions of foot guards, £6,000-as commander-in-chief, exclusive of his patronage and perquisites, the sum of £10,000. I know not what he receives as colonel of the five battalions of the 60th regiment, but I know that in addition to these sums, by an act passed in 1801 or 1802, the king was authorised to grant to him, out of the lands belonging to the public, called crown-lands (and in lieu, probably, of the bishoprick of Osnaburgh), several manors, &c. in the fee simple, worth, as I have heard them estimated. at £16,000 a year, amounting in all to the enormous sum of £48,000: add to these the interest of £54,000, lent him in 1801, out of the public money, without any consent of parliament, 2,700. The whole amount will then be £50,700, equal to the poor's rates of 125 parishes, or the assessed taxes of 146 . parishes! He is also ranger of two parks and warden of the New Forest. From all these the patronage he enjoys is immense; and we know but too well what patronage is worth." (Here a great noise ensued, by the approbation of many, and the disapprobation of a few, upon the subject of this curious statement.) The Rev. MR. POULTER, amidst the hisses and hootings of the assembly, rose to speak to order. "I commend the zeal of those gentlemen," said he, "who hiss before they hear what I am going to say.-I or any man in this meeting have surely a right to speak to order. I did not rise sooner, on account of the former person spoken of be ing a near and dear relation to myself; but I beg to submit to you, Mr. Sheriff, as chairman, whether the allusion to the illustrious personage just spoken of by the gentle raan, be relevant or not," The voices calling out "Go on, Go on, Mr. Cobbett," were so pumerous, that the high sheriff could not get an opportunity of stating his opinion.. MR. COBBETT then rose again, and continued" Gentlemen, I do not conceive that I was in the smallest degree out of order; but I will leave this subject by referring every one of you, as I have done the public at large, to the Statement of Facts, lately published by major Hogan. I shall now, Gentlemen, conclude with the expression of my particular wish, that those who do not read upon such subjects, should know that we have an absolute right to petition the king. Nothing can stay this right. There was a time when the king prosecuted persons for addressing him. And, let me tell you, one of the events that followed was |