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tically expressed, “ an instance of triumph, “a proof of victory, which no one could "gilsay.”—I have the honour to reman, Sir, &c.—C.

For N5u R G H REv if we Rs. Sir :-The Edinburgh Iteviewers, in heir bulky painphlet of April, 1803, under he guise of reviewing two publications, writen by gentlemen, whose names, I beere, are wholly unknown to the public, Mr. Rylance and a Mr. Lingham, are leased to enlighten the world with their longhts, upon the subject of the late emiition to the Brazils. Upon this topic, I el no interest in controverting their opions, as they are of course the echo of the etches in parliament, of that faction upon hose fortunes their own depend ; it being w no secret to any one that the positive erbearing and dogmatical paradoxes, which we so peculiarly distinguished the EdinIrgh Review, proceed from a small lot of young friends, who hunt after the al dinners and other good things of those :0mplished statesmen, Lords Holland and onry Petty. The subject, upon which I present address you, Mr. Cobbett, is the guage, which, in the article above-inenned, these gentlemen have made use of on the subject of Libel; language betraying once the base slavish spirit of which they composed, and the determined hostility nich animates them against all the assertors the Liberty of the Press. It seems, that ese authors, whose pamphlets form the preice of the review, Mr. Rylance and Mr. gham, unfortunately agreed in nothing in each dedicating his work to the Liver-- ol Solomon, Mr. Roscoe. Upon every int, relating to the subject of the Portuese emigration, they differed in their itiments. Mr. Lingham, to use the rds of the review, “ kept quite clear of the least appearance of faction; while Mr. Rylance, without any material qualification, except perhaps his praise of Mr. Roscoe in the dedication, adopted the precise line of argument, taken by the persons in opposition to the present ministry.” This was difference enough regulate the judgment of these candid, and partial critics. Mr. Rylance became, of 'urse, the favourite, and Mr. Lingham, as man swayed by no party motions, but bold ld independent enough to write from his wu understanding, was, of course, to be run own. If, however, on the present occaon, the Edinburgh Reviewers had confined hemselves to literary strictures only, how

or partial and corrupt those strictures

might have been, I should not have called your attention to them. But will you believe it, Mr. Cobbett in consequence of Mr. Lingham, who in his book, according to these critics' own account, “ kept quite “clear of the least appearance of taction," having characterised the other gentleman by a few expressions not by any means unusual in political controversy, and none of which, from their analysis of his publication, I think it is pretty clear, were misapplied; such as “ obscure pamphleteer,” “ unauthorized tool of a party,” and the like; I say, will you, Sir, believe it, that these worthy disciples of the Whig school, these pains-taking underlings of the present Opposition, these Scotch preachers of political liberty, are actually for letting loose the dogs of law upon poor Mr. Lingham, and amercing him with fines, penalties, imprisonment, and the pillory, for having failed to acknowledge the eminent consequence of this Mr Rylance and his perfect independence, (which, be it observed, these reviewers themselves impeach) for having dared to publish the truth of him, and to speak of him as he deserves. They introduce their whiming complaint, and garbled quotations of Mr. Lingham’s “abusive language" with this sentence : “Some passages, we are “ pretty sure, would subject him to punish“ ment in a court of justice : " and having finished their extracts, they conclude:— “We have little doubt that the above pas“ sages, are themselves libellous.” Is not this monstrous 2 Why, the action lately brought by the Duke of Bedford's Knight, (I forget his name) was nothing to this. Irritated feelings in being shewn to be a dunce, and disappointed expectations in not getting from his task-master his usual hire, to a certain degree palliated the resentment of that wretched book-maker. But what have these reviewers to urge in extenuation of this gratuitous recommendation of legal proceedings 2 Mr. Lingham did not charge them with a systematic and scandalous perversion of their duty, with a base and profligate bias either for or against every author whom they noticed ; Mr. Lingham did not say of them, that their malignity against most authors was to be equalled only by their interested adulation of a few ; that their wanton and scurrilous attacks on respectable writers in general, were balanced only in infamy by their gross and unblushing panegyrics upon the members of their own fraternity; that, throughout the whole of their career, their pens have been vilely prostituted to party purposes, in which task their inconsistency has been as notorious as their corruption,-the grovelling sycophants of power and place,—the admirers of Pitt, when living, and of his opponents, when dead. These, or similar charges, Mr. Lingham never insinuated against the Edinburgh Reviewers. One does not see, therefore why they should feel so sore, why they should so strongly sympathize with Mr. Rylance, cry out the senseless yell of libel, and call for punishment in a court of justice ' Really, Mr. Cobbett, the coincidence between the time of this publication (April, 1805) and the commencement of the knight's law-suit, and the identity of their sentiments upon the subject of libel, are so marvellous, that I verily suspect some of these young friends, who perhaps may belong to the profession of the law, were his counsellors upon the occasion, advised the action, as the phrase is, and perhaps assisted in getting up the cause. The knight, I dare say, has since heartily re. pented of having acted upon the opinion, from whatever quarter it proceeded ; and the Edinburgh Reviewers, since the unfortunate failure of his experiment, are probably now ashamed of the detestable persecuting spirit so wholly inimical to the liberty of the press, upon the expression of which I have animadverted. In making these animadversions I have no other object in view than to vindicate that palladium of our rights. without the secure enjoyment of which you, Sir, have so often observed, that our boasted freedon is nothing worth At the same time I feel an apology to be due, for the length to which my observations have extended, a length to be justified only by the importance of the subject itself, which will, I hope, plead my excise, and hestow a temporary consequence even upon these insignificant individuals, Messrs. Ry}ance and Hingham.—Yours, &c. – P. D.— Sept. 24, 1808.

Exposition of THE ra Act 1 ces A N D M Acrit NATIoss wortch LED to TH+. Usui R* Atto N or THF crow N of spa IN, AND * a HE MEANS A ports o BY THE EMPERo R of THE PRENCH TO CARRY IT INTO Exrcut to N, BY Dox for Ro cov Allos, FIRST SECRETARY OF STATE AN to DISPAT cites to His cATHolic M.A., Esty FER or NAN: WIN. At a period when the notion has made and continues to ni..!:e the most heroic efforts to shake of the yoke of slavery attempted to be imposed upon it, it is the duty of all good citizens to coutribute, by every means in their power, to eulighten it with respect to the real causes that have brought it into its present situation, and to

keep up the noble spirit by which it is animated.--To make known to Spain and the whole world the base means resorted to by the Emperor of the French to seize the person of our king, Ferdinand V11, and to . subjugate this grcat and generous nation, is a duty well worthy of one who, like my -is in a condition to discharge it; inasmuch as circumstances placed me in a situation be an eye-witness of the events which p ceded the catastrophe of Bayonne. and which I bore a part It was not in m power to do this before, it consequence personal restraint, and from not having coi lected the documents necessary to accred my statement. Some are still wanti which it was necessary to burn, in con quence of dangerous circumstances, which every thing was to be feared ; oth have disappeared through the various in dents connected with that unhappy per but those which I now present are suici to prove the atrocious violence commit against our beloved king, Ferdinand V and the whole nation—Though the cond of Spain towards France since the peace Băsie, a very interesting portion of its tical history in these latter times, is i mately connected with the important ev which form the subject of this Expositi it is not necessary to dwell even upon principal periods. It will be sufficient state what the whole nation, and all Eur know, that the political systein of S has constantly been during this time top serve friendship and the best understand: with France, and to maintain, at all b zards, the ruinous alliance concluded: 1796.--To attain this end, there is no sa fice which Spain has not made ; and as preservation of the Prince of the Peace the high degree of favour be enjoyed wi Charles IV. depended in a great mease upon the continuance of this system, it w maintained with the greatest constancy a indefatigable attention. Fleets, armi treasure, every thing was sacrificed France; humiliations, submissions, eve thing was suffered, every thing was do; to satisfy, as far as possible, the insatia: demands of the French government ; b. the idea never once occurred of preservi the nation against the machinations of ally, who was overrunning Europe.—l Treaty of Tilsit, in which the destiny of world seened to be decided in his favor, was hardly concluded, when he turned hi eyes towards the West, and resolved on t ruin of Portugal and Spain; or what come to the same purpose, to make himself mas ter of this vast peninsula, with a view

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making its inhabitants as happy as those of Italy, Holland, Switzerland, and the league f the Rhine.—At this very time, the EunJeror was revolving in his mind some designs ital to Spain (for he began to disarm her), y demanding a respectable body of our roops to exert their valour in remote reions, and for foreign interests. This he ficted without difficulty, and there was laced at his disposal a gallant and picked rce of 16,000 men of all descriptions.— he enterprize of making himself master Spain was not so easy as Napoleon imaned. It was, above all, necessary to find it some pretext for carrying into execution * during and gigantic plan of subjugating tiendly and allied nation, that had made many sacrifices for France, and which s very Emperor had praised for its fidelity i nobleness of charaster.—Nevertheless, ng accustomed to act with that disregard to icacy in the choice of his means, which characteristic of the man who imaginas the conquest of the whole world, the truction of the human species, and the oc of war are conducive to true glory, resolved to excite and foment discord in royal family of Spain, through his amsador at this court.—The latter, though haps not initiated in the grand secret of master, succeeded in seducing the prince Asturias, our present king and master, suggested to him the idea of intertrying with a princess related to the emor. The affliction which his highness oured under from a conjunction of circumices, as lamentable as notorious, and his iety to avaid another connection into £h it was attempted to force him, with dy selected for him by his greatest eneand on that account alone the object of aversion, induced him to acquiesce in suggestions of the anbassador, but with stipulation that it was to lileet the approon of his august parents, and under the ression that it would strengthen the udship and alliance then subsisting be*n the two crowns. His highness, acled by motives so cogent in a political ht of view, and yielding to the solicitais of the ambassador, wrote accordingly his Imperial majesty.—A few days after beloved prince wrote this letter, occurrthe scandalous imprisonment of his auit person in the royal monastery of St. utence, and the still more scandalous de. e which was issued in the name of the *g, and addressed to the council of Cas* There are very strong reasons to be**, that the unknown hand that fiti-trato seigned conspiracy was some French |

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its situation, entertained a just opinion of *

the good disposition and religious principles of their prince of the Asturias, and suspected instantaneously that the whole was a

calumny fabricated by the Favourite, as ab

surd as it was audacious, in order to remove

the only obstacle which then opposed his

views.- It is already known, that on the . imprisonment of the prince of Asturias, his royal father wrote to the Emperor, no-, doubt at the suggestion of the Favourite, complaining of the conduct of the ambassador Beauharnois, in his clandestine communications with the prince of Asturias, and expressing his surprise that the emperor had not come to a previous understanding with his majesty on a subject of such preeminent importance to sovereigns.—As the imprisonment of the prince of Asturias, and, above all, the most scandalous decree fulminated against his royal person, produced an effect completely contrary to the expectations of the Favourite, he began to be afraid, thought proper to lecede, and to mediate a reconciliation between the royal parents and their son. With this view, as is stated in the Abstract of the Escurial Cause, circulated by the Council in consequence of his majesty's orders of the 8th April, he forged certain letters, and made the prince of Asturias sign them while a prisoner, which being delivered into the hands of the royal parents, were supposed to have softened their hearts; and by these singular means did this innocent prince obtain a nominal liberty.—This was the state of affairs when a French courier arrived at the royal palace of St. Laurence, with a treaty concluded and signed at Fontainbleau on the 27th of Oct. by Don Fogenio Isquierdo, as plenipotentiary of his Catholic majesty, and Marshal Duroc, in too manie of the emperor of the French. Its contents, as well as those of the separate Convention, constitute Nos. 1 and 2 of the documents annexed to this Exposition —It is worthy of observation, that the department of the ministry, of which I was at the head, was totally unacquainted with the measures taken by Don E. 1squierdo, at Paris, as well as with his appointment, his instructions, his correspondence, and every part of his proceedings.-The result of this treaty was to render the Emperor master of Portugal with very littie expence ; to furnish him with a platisible pretext for introducing his armies into our peninsula, with the intent of subjugating it of a proper opportunity, and to put hia, in

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ng its inhabitants as happy as those of

Holland, Switzerland, and the league ... : Rhine—At this very time, the Eun. . was revolving in his mind some designs ... • Spain (for he began to disarm her), manding a respectable body of our o exert their valour in remote rend for foreign interests. This he without difficulty, and there was

his disposal a gallant and picked 16,000 men of all descriptions.— prize of making himself master was not so easy as Napoleon ima... was, above all, necessary to find *I etext for carrying into execution * -o and gigantic plan of subjugating ... od allied nation, that had made

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or so ... * >eror had praised for its fidelity ... s of character.—Nevertheless, ...to med to act with that disregard to *** - choice of his means, which * - c of the man who imaginas ... .ost of the whole world, the * . . .” he human species, and the * ... < are conducive to true glory, *" of xcite and foment discord in ... -- " . - to is of Spain, through his amo so court.—The latter, though to . . . . ited in th d t of so. 2 ited in the grand secret o so ded in seducing the prince c. * * ... present king and master, . ...," him the idea of inter“. ... incess related to the em- o ion which his highness a conjunction of circum... le as notorious, and his * - ... nother connection into . . . * oted to force him, with 2 m by his greatest ene:

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royal father doubt at the suggestion of the Favourite, complaining of the conduct of the ambassador Beauharnois, in his clandestine communications with the prince of Asturias, and expressing his surprise that the emperor had not come to a previous understanding with his majesty on a subject of such preeminent importance to sovereigns.—As the imprisonment of the prince of Asturias, and, above all, the most scandalous decree fulminated against his royal person, produced an effect completely contrary to the expectations of the Favourite, he began to be afraid, thought proper to lecede, and to mediate a reconciliation between the royal parents and their son. With this view, as is stated in the Abstract of the Escurial Cause, circulated by the Council in consequence of his majesty's orders of the 8th April, he forged certain letters, and made the prince of Asturias sign them while a prisoner, which being delivered into the hands of the royal parents, were supposed to have softened their hearts; and by these singular means

did this innocent prince obtain a nominal

liberty.—This was the state of affairs when a French courier arrived at the royal palace of St. Laurence, with a treaty concluded and signed at Fontainbleau on the 27th of Oct. by Don Eugenio Isquierdo, as plenipotentiary of his Catholic majesty, and Marshal Duroc, in t!e name of the emperor of the French. Its contents, as well as those of the separate Convention, constitute Nos. and 2 of the documents annexed to this position —It is worthy of observation. epartment of the ministry, of at the head, was totaliy unacmeasures taken by Don E. well as with his apions, his corresponis proceedings.-s to render the ith very littie plausible into our Kong it 1.1, lil

wrote to the Emperor, no

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