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while he possessed their country, there was not the smallest chance of their being relieved from those effects. How false, then, have even: 3 proved to be the reasoning of Lord Grenville and Mr. Roscoe and Mr. Baring, that the Orders in Council would make us detested by all the suffering nations, and would tend to strengthen the power of Napoleon over them I could easily refer to the passage, wherein I contended, that the Orders in Council would naturally have the effect of shaking the authority of Napoleon in the couquered, or dependant, states, by producing unbearable dist, ess. 1, indeed, wished for a still greater stretch of maritime power. I wished an interdict to be issued against all those not in alliance with us. I wished the whole world to be told : “As long as you suffer!'rance to command all “ the land, England will command all the sea, “ and from that sea, she will permit none of you to derive any, even the smallest advantage, or comfort.” But, without this, the ministers really have done what they said they would do; they have brought - things to a crisis ; they have got rid of that benumbing, death-like lingering, which had been the characteristic of our warfare for so many years; and, if they follow up their blows, it is not impossible, that, after all the senseless admiration which has been bestowed upon speech-making ministers,

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we may see the conqueror of Europe, the

king and queen maker, toppled from his stool by the Duke of Portland. Now is the time to recall the public attention to the doctrines of Mr. Whitbread and Mr. Roscoe. I should now like to see, from the pen ef the latter in particular, an essay on the wisdom of making peace in 1806, and another upon the moderation of Napoleon, both of which were the subjects of his dull pamphlet. I should liks now to see him attempting to convince the manufacturers, that they would have gained by a peace made in 1s06, and that they would have enjoyed their gains in peace and safety. His doctrines, luckily for the nation, did not prevail. The common sense of the people taught them that his doctrines were false. He could not make them see any prospect of real peace; and, though the conqueror was still borne upon the wings of victory ; though a refusal to submit to his terms was followed by a still greater extension of his power and of our danger, yet the nation said, “go on he must if he will, for, until the state of Europe be changed, England cannot enjoy a moment's real peace.” By the measures of the present ... "...#. qojestion, which every

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put : can England exist independent, and in defiance, of all the civilized world, or can she not This question, the most interesting that ever was started, has now been decideu, and for this decision, so glorious to us and to our country for ever, we have to thank the men who are at present in power.— But, if these victories, and if a continuation of success, is not to have the effect of diminishing the sacrifices that the people make: if they are not to put an end in time, to the system of red-coat arming and forts and borracks, in England, I shall regard them as being of little use. I do not expect or wish, that these precautions, little as I may think of their efficacy, should all at once be thrown aside; but, I do hope, that, as soon as ::1 reasonable men are perfectly satisfied, that there is no longer the sumallest danger of invasion, the ministers will begin to shew a disposition to restore the country to its former state of confidence in itself, to abridge the enormous expences of an establishment which now costs about twenty millions annually, and to render the ruling influence less of a military nature. The army, or it least, the part of the nation under military rule and influence, is too large to be consiitent with the principles or the practice if freedom. Ilegarded as the means of an cmergency it is not so odious ; but, if were to be attempted to keep such a for on foot as a permanent establishment, might, at quce, bid adieu to the hope to ever being a free people, and, in fact, wo should have made all these sacrifices, on our country men would have bled, only fo the purpose of forging and rivetting our ow chains. By degrees, which succeed ea other very rapidly, a military nation gets into a military government. It is quite im: possible to separate the things in idea, and as impossible to separate them long in facto They are interwoven in their nature.— The expence too is enormous. Every parot who leaves a hundred pounds in legacies in his children, has to reflect, that six cr seven of those pounds are now deducted for purposes of a military nature. To maintain such an army, with all its numerous retaters, and all its pretences for expenditure, must alone, in time, leave the individed proprietor little to call his own. In short." it must eat him out of house and home.Therefore, in rejoicing at the success of to army, in applauding the wisdom and brave" of all concerned in the enterprize, I mus say, that no small part of my satisfacto arises from the hope, that, in the end, to success, with the others, by which I to it will be followed, will produce a diminuto

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of the army and its expences—That we should continue a military nation, as long as the necessity exists, there can be no doubt : and, that we should afterwards have a generul and permanent plan of military defence is what I wish for ; but, that we should have a large permanent army, commanded by officers appointed and cashiered at pleasure; that we should have such an army an hour longer than is absolutely necessary to our security from the attacks of a foreign foe, I hope no man wiłl be found to assert; especialiy after the glorious example given us by the patriots of Spain, who have proved to the whole world, that a people rising in defence of their country, though without disspline and without appointed leaders, are inore than a match for the bravest and most skilful enemy. SPAIN.—In speaking of the probability of . Buonaparte being overthrown, and in expressing satisfaction at that probability, I Irust always be understood as including the , condition, that his sway is succeeded by a free government; because, if people are to be slaves, it is a circumstance of no consequence at all whom they are slaves to, exkept that it is less dishonourable to bend the e to a famous conqueror than to a silly feature, who has never done any thing but t and drink. If the nations, who, to all opearance, are breaking his chains, have ...to wisdom and the virtue to drive out des. Posal of every sort along with him, then Ley will and ought to succeed; but, if the owars against him be carried on by a cabal, by a faction whose object is to exilt thenoves, they not only will faii but they ought jo fail. The work of opposing him is but just begion. What is done is nothing, if not 'eli followed up. To be sure, a defeat of so who has so long been accustomed to meet with uninterrupted success is an excelJeu: beginning. He has, however, been defected before now ; and his army, under other commanders, has been defeated : yet, he recovered that ; it produced little injury to him in any way. What line of conduct he may adopt with regard to Spain and Portugal, whether be may send large armies Auther, or may leave them for a while to see the result of those internal differences which he may naturally expect to ses arise, and which he will not fail to endeavour to faect, is quite, uncertain. It will, however, be a great error in us to act as if we

supposed, that he had given up the idea of

placing kings of his own family upon the thrones of Spain and Portugal. He is not easily turned from any of his projects; and it would be a dreadful mistake to suppose,

that, because our newspapers laugh at him, he is really, all at once, in consequence of the loss of thirty or forty thousand 9. , becorne an object of con compt. i.e : ternal affairs of Spain cannot be easily arrang: ' and settled T be patriots have ronounced neir old government on insanows one ; they have stipulated with the people for a reform of as uses ; they have demanded an assembling of the Cortes If there are no interested motives to conne athwart the intended reformotion, the little confusion that will arise will be of no consequence; but, if there are ; if private interest and not pub, c good be the object of the leaders, Joseph Napoleon will yet be king of Spain and the lo dies, in spite of all that we can do to the co to dry. I ain, I must confess, sorry that ". poleon does not seem disposed to sent, alinies into Spain I wish the war there to be long and arduous; for, if it ce...se now, the peopse will have gained very little indeed, especially if any of the rags of the old government are brought back again. Nay, it is very probable, that they may be worse treated than they were before. The despos will conciude, and with reason, that the people are fashioned to depotism. . They will have got a new lease of their enjoyments and their abuses; and the people will be more wretched than ever. Aji the old corrupt crew will be in power. There will be no example given to the enslaved nations of the world, except that of a people having | shed their blood for the apparent purpose of perpetuating their own slavery; of calling back despotism amongst then), after they had got rid of it. A struggle of some leggth would have made the people of Spain think no more of F2 RDINAND than they would think of a fly. Such a struggle must have called up hidden talents and virtoes. Now there appears to be a sickiness in the councils of the Juntas; at d of this, it is very probable, Buonaparte may take advantage. What we ought to wish for is a new and vigorous government in Spain ; a government upon principles precisely the opposite of those whereon Napoleon's government is boit and maintained; a government that would be a living exampie to all the nations whom he has ed: saved. Hé has in his clutches the chief of that government which we seem to desire for Spain. Who is to make him give that chief up; and, if he does it, upon what conditions will be do it? : it is easy to see what a turmoil must arise out of this single circuinstance. While Ferdinand is in France, unless aii idea of making him king be abandoned, there never can be any peaceable

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settlement of affairs in Spain. If, in the midst of those divisions of opinion that will inevitably arise, as to what ought to be done, Napoleon send an army of a hundred thousand men, his brother will be seated upon the throne with very little difficulty. It appears to me, therefore, that the thing to be desired, is a new government, established as soon as possible, unless Buonaparte immediately send his armies; for, in that case, there will want very little of government until the war be over, and then it will be found, that the talents and virtues of the nation have, of their own accord, formed the sort cf government required by the state of the country. There are some who talk of FERp1NAND as if he had been fairly chosen by the people of Spain, who had first put down his

father. The Morning Chronicle, of the 2d

instant, has, upon the subject, a long-winded article, which concludes thus: “The Spa“ niards are fighting for their national independence, and for their legitimate sovereign—but what constitutes the legitimacy of Ferdi NAND VII. That which made William III. the legitimate sovereign of

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government, they have chosen his son as ūis successor, as the English chose the son-in-law of JAMEs II, ; and we have not a doubt, that their privileges will be assured, as ours were, by a Bill of Rights. Their conduct ought to operate, both as a warning to kings, and an encouragement to every people; and if princes do not profit from the lesson, their subjects will, we trust, follow the example of the Spaniards.” Now, I should like to know what evidence there is of the people of Spain having given their voice for the young king. Never has there appeared the slightest foundation for the assertion. The people had nothing at all to do with the matter. The old king was turned out by a band of armed men; he was, indeed, forced to abdicate his throne; but it was by a cabal at court, and with which cabal the people of Spain had nothing to do. The son, haying assumed the kingly office, afterwards abdicates it in behalf of Napoleon ; so that, if he really was chosen by the people, he gave up what the people had given him, and Joseph went to Spain in virtue of the people's choice. With those who stick to Ferdinand here must always this embarrassment exist:

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this country, “the choice of the people.”

the French, with speculative theories of

of legitimate right to reign, or they must openly avow the doctrine, that the people have, at all times, a right to cashier their kings. As to saying, that the Spaniards chose the son of the old “unworthy" king as the English chose the son-in-law of their unworthy king; the very existence of such persons was a matter of accident. Suppose these kings had had neither sons nor sonsin-law, were the people to have gone to the more distant relations Suppose they had been able to find no distant islations; what was then to have been done : Does this right of cashiering kings, or, to use to more gentle phrasc of the Morning Chro nicle, this right of “ forcing kings to abo cate,” exist only in cases where the so. kings happen to have relations : Will to people at Whitehall admit the right of cash. iering kings? If they do not, where wil they find a justification for any attempt the may be made by us to place Ferdinand upo. the throne, during the life of that fathe. who protested against the violence whic compelled him to abdicate But, couplm the cause of Spain with that of this man we get ourselves into difficulties, from whic it will not be easy for us to get clear. Nt. should I be at all surprized, if, bye-and-by! we should see all our present hopes blast in consequence of some act of pertinad, relating to the sort of government which wo or our rulers, desire to have established,

Spain. * * * * . Duke of York.-I had, I though, entirely done with this subject in o sheet; and I now revive it merely to poi out to the public a striking proof of d falsehood of the pamphlet there noticed. charges the daily papers with malice again the Itoyal Chieftain. It represents them encouraged by both the parties, the ins: the outs, to assault him; to misrepres: ridicule, and degrade him. Now, let us: how this charge is justified by the condd of the official paper of the Opposition. To

paper, , upon the first appearance of pamphlet, said: “ It has evidently be “ written under the eye, and published to the sanction, of the Duke of York. Ni d

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“ we conceive, that it must have had concurrence of the highest authority in kingdom." Here, then, it unequivocal imputes the pamphlet to the dictation, not the pen, of the duke, and to the appro bation of the king. On the 2d instan this same paper says: “We have alread “ noticed the public and authentic disavow “ of the “ Statement " lately published “ under the assumed character of a defendo

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“To this disavowal, which every class of “our readers must have seen with pleasure, “we think ourselves bound to add the posi"tive contradiction of all the material facts “slated in this publication. The gross and " absurd falsehoods which it contains in "every page, could not possilly proceed : from any, man having any knowledge of ‘what really has passed respecting the " Duke of York in the last two years. The "private conversations and o intri"gues which it affects to detail, are through"out complete fabrications and gross impo "sitions on the public credulity. But we 'wish particularly to assure the public, * that there is not the least foundation for the assertion, that any such inquiry, as is therein mentioned, into the conduct of his royal highness, has been at any time carried on, at the instigation of one par- ty, or defeated by the protection (as it is most improperly termed) of the other—a

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opinions, to ascertain with precision the state of the moon. But, Sir, this plea of subsequent information will not, I am sorr to say it, save your credit. " For, in bot these articles, you give an opinion, nay, you make assertions, not upon hearsay, not upon extaneous information, but (mark it well) upon the internal evidence of the work in question. In the first article you say that it is evident that the duke dictated the work, and that it must have had the king's concurrence. That is to say, the work was of that nature and was so written, that the duke and the king must necessarily be at the bottom of it. Now, then, how do you characterize this same work in your second article 2 Well may you turn your eyes away from the quotation that you perceive coming ! How, I say, do you characterize the work which you had, but a few days before, ascribed to the Duke of York and the king Why, by asserting that it contains “gross and alou'd falsehoods in “every page.” That is to say, taking both your articles together, the duke has evidently dictated and the king must have approved of, a work containing “gross and absurd “falsehoods in every page.” Is this, Sir, a specimen of that respect, which you are pleased to profess towards the royal family To the assertion, that the falsehoods are gross and absurd you do, indeed, add, that “ they canuot possilsu proceed from any “man having any knowledge of what really “ has passed respecting the Duke of York;” and, as the king and the duke must have known what did pass, you thus ward off the charge of imputing the gross and absurd i. to them. But, there is still a difficulty, which you do not seem to have perceived when the loyal fit was upon you ; and that is, that the falsehoods, if gross and alsurd, most have so appeared to you when tou imputed the work to the Duke and the Ko: or, that you are a person not capable of perceiving falsehoods, however gross and absurd, until they are pointed out to you. You now tell us, that the falsehoods, in every page, are so gross and absurd, that they could not possibly have proceeded from any man havio, any knowledge of what has really passed respecting the Duke of York. There is an impossil i.i.5, in the thing. You want no reasoning or facts to convince you of it. You at once see that it must be so. Yet, only about ten days before, you told me and all the rest of your ardent adoirers, that these things, which you now call “grossland absurd falsehoods” had evidently been written under the eye of the duke, * had been published under his sanction, and

that the work must have had the concurrence of the king ' Who is to believe what your say in future ? What reliance is to be placed upon your sense or your sincerity ? —You toll us, in conclusion, that there is no foundation whatever for the assertion, that any such inquiry as that mentioned in the pamphlet, into the conduct of the doze has been, at any time, carried on, at the instigation of one party, or defeated by the protection of the other; and you add, that you are store, that both parties will be cqoly ready to contradict the statement of the yite". It is possible that you may have received soch assurances; it is possible that , or may have been ordered to communicate o oss, onces to the world; but, how are b-sieve you ? How are we to know, ow. I dot at some time hence, fistwhat you now say, and call it a - or ad absurd falsehood The trut! is, to it you, very unwisely, imposed the patripolet to the duke and the king ; you found yourself embarrassed by this basty inputation; your party have, date gay, censured your want of discretion ; and, in this second article, we see you endeavouring to extricate yourself, at the expeace of your understanding or your sincerity. SIR R1c11, on P1111.1.1 ps. When, upon a former occasion, I had to notice the conduct of this gentieman, as velating to the

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action for a libel, brought by Sir Jon N CARR,

Knight, against Messrs Hood and Sharpe, for publishing a criticism upon a work of Sir John's, I had not been informed of many circumstances, which have since come to my knowledge, and which do certainly exhibit Sir Richard in quite another light than that of a man, who would wish to see the principies of freedom: cherished in England. It appears, from the report of the Trial, how published at full, and some parts of which report I shall more fully notice hereafter, that Sir Richard was, if not an adviser, at least an approver of the prose, u. tion, a fact, which, had it not been proved in so clear a way, I could not have believed.

What one bookseller approve of the prose

cution, or, rather the persecution of another, and that, too, for publishing a criticism upon a work of which he himself was become the proprietor A near relation of his has, it seems, prosecutcd the editors of a catch-penny work called “THE SATIR1st,” for a criticism upon a child's book, which those editors represented as having an iminor is tendency and that six pence damages were obtained. It is further asserted in print, that Sir Richard himself prefered a &ill of indict incht against the same Satirists

for something said by them of him, and

that the bill was thrown out. The conse

quence of all this has been a pretty general feeling of resentment against him, in all these who have any thing to do with the press, and that feeling, so far from having been awed into silence by his endeavours for that purpose, has shewn itself in literary attacks from various quarters and of va. rious descriptions, from a two-shilling-andsix-penny pamphlet down to a half-penny ballad. His attention is now drawn from the odious caricature of Sir John Carr to the many, wherein he himself cuts the principal figure. He cannot take up a newspaper without seeing some paragraph or advertisement inviting the reader to a laugh at his expence. The very walls in the streets he sees covered with notifications as to where and when the public may be entertained in the same agrecable way. One author has employed his pen in writing a burlesque account of him, entitled, “ Memoirs of the pulsic and private Life of Sir Richard Phillips, Knight : By a Citizen of London and Assistants.” His old friends the Satirists, who, probably, wrote the book for the purpose, have taken it up as a subject to review ; have chosen to consider it as a serious statement ; and have thus niade it a

two-edged instrument for the purpose of

goading him and his family, no part of whom, whether wife or child, do they

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