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“ do, which we have done before, with out any necessity that the vile French should come to instruct us.”

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St MMARY OF POLITICS.

SPAN is of Revolutiox. —What must Mr. Roscoe saw upon reading the divers papers, published by the patriots of Spain Does he wish those patriots success I am afraid not. He wishes, no doubt, that he could wish them success; but, he cannot, without, at the sand 2 time, confessing his error as to the disposition of the governor of France. Why not confess this error; why not give us, from his elegant pen, a song to match ‘‘ O'er the vine-cover'd hills and “ gay regions of France,” and not leave the task of hailing the dawn of freedom in Spain to the vulgar, sot-headed, hicknied muse of “Thomas Fitzgerald, Esq.” who now pretends, that he has long foreseen that Napoleon would be overthrown in Spain, and that, at last, he would go to hell. The language of the Spanish Patriots rises with the approach of danger. It is noble and animating in the highest degree. It expresses sentiments which can be entertained in no minds but such as are free. The people of Spain, so long oppressed, so long trampled under foot, are, all at once, become high-minded. It requires ages to bend the mind to slavery, but a moinent (circuumstances being favourable) restores it to its native freedom and vigour. If there be any one of the several addresses that I prefer to the rest, it is that which is entitled “PREcAurio Ns, &c." and which will be inserted, in its proper place in the Register. From this paper I have selected my motto. The patriots do not, we see, mean to codfine their views to the mere driving the French out of Spain. The Cortes, that is to say, the real representatives of the peo| pe, will be assembled; abuses wild le reformed; and such laws will be passed, as the circumstances of the time and experience may dictate for the public good. This is what is wanted ; this, indeed, is an enterPrize in which it is worth while to “spend | " the last shilling and to shed the last drop "...of blood.” But, if nothing were intend“d more than a mere defeat of the French *inies, and a re-establishment of the old

r - [34 system, there is no man of any reflection,

who would care a straw which way the thing terminated. It is clear, however, that a

salutary revolution is intended ; for, in this,

same excellent paper, the patriots of Spain

| Spain.

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in the king's name, is not, as relating to Spain, exactly what I could have wished it. I wish the word loyal and the word monarchy had not been in it. If the Patriots of Spain choose to receive any of their late royal family back again, we have nothing to do with it ; but, it appears to me," that we should say nothing that could possibly be construed into a reservation of a right, on our part, to interfere in the internal affairs of The late king and th– late princes of Spain have abdicated their rights of sovereignty. In the first place, the king accused his son of conspiring against his life ; next, the king admits, without any attempt at resistance, a large French ariny into the heart of Spain, and deceives his people by

telling them, that he is upon the best possi

ble terms with Napoleon, whose army is possing across Sp in upon an expedition against the rootnot enemy; whereupon his avails himself of his kingly authority to prevent the people themselves from making any resistance, and even to connel them to furnish the French with clothing, provisions, and every thing they demand Having thus introduced the French, he throws himself in:o the aros of Napoleon, aid "cones

his pensioner, after having, by a treaty, formally resigned to him all his rights of sovereignty. The son, who had, in the meanwhile, obtained a previous act of abdieation from his father, and who had assumed the royal authority, follows the example of his father in deceiving the people as to the views of France; he, too, ealls Napoleon his friend and most intimate ally ; upon the very first demand of Murat, he gives up the sword of Francis I; upon the first summons, off he goes and puts himself into the hands of Napoleon, assuring the people upon his journey, that the views of France are friendly; and, upon his arrival, he also abdicates his right of sovereignty, which example is followed by all the junior members of the family. From these facts, well known to all the world, it is undeniable, either that the Spanish monarchy was become so rotten as to be unable to protect itself, or, that the king and the prince did of design betray their country into the hands of France. No matter to us which of the two was the case; for, take which we will, the objection to our doing or saying any thing that can be construed into a condition in behalf of the royal family is equally strong. Our king has received no communication from the late king of Spain, or from the prince, who assumed, for a short time, the kingly authority. He orders the commissioners to tell the parliament, that “ communications have “ been made to him by several of the provinces of Spain,” and not from the king of Spain. That king has, by treaty, abdicated the throne; he has bargained away his kingly office and authority; the monarchy is, in reality as well as in form, extinguished in the House of Bourbon. Would it not, then, have been best to say nothing at all about that monarchy, and not to utter words, which may be construed to mean, that we will assist the Patriots of Spain so long only as they are fighting for the restoration of that monarchy; a monarchy, by which, if it was not totally rotten, the people of Spain have been cruelly betrayed Besides, which of the two kings (upon the supposition and recognition of an existing king) are we to support 2 The patriots appear to prefer Ferdinand; but, upon what principle are we to support him against the claim of his father ? We get ourselves into inextricable difficulties by any declaration about monarchy; and, the probability is, that, if we continue in this track, Napoleon, if he finds his views in favour of his brother thwarted, will very soon beat us by creating distrust of us in the

minds of the patriots, by representing us as fighting for the restoration of that government, which they, themselves call “ infa*” mous.” If Spain is to be wrested from the grasp of the Buonapartés, the thing must be done by the people, headed by men, who have not partaken in the vices and corruptions of the old government; and, is it not incredible, that such men should voluntarily recall that government? They talk of their “king”; it is a name that may be yet necessary to their purposes; but, as they proceed, they will find the means of dispensing with its effect; and, though it is probable, that the wisest men amongst them may think the kingly office necessary to the good government of so extensive an empire, yet it is not at all probable, that they will be able, supposing them to be willing, to induce the people, when once they have tasted the sweets of freedom, again to bend their necks to a yoke, which has hitherto bent them to the earth. These are my reasons for wishing, that nothing had been said, in the Speech, about loyalty or monarchy, which, in my opinion, may do harm, and cannot possibly do any good. It is reasonable to suppose, that, in the course of the great and glorious struggle which the Patriots of Spain appear now to have begun, some man, and that man of no very lofty origin. may so distinguish himself as to be thought the most fit to be placed at the head of the government of Spain. In such a contingency are we prepared to say, that we will drop the cause of the Patriots? If not, what are we to do with our declarations about loyalty and monarchy 2 How, or when, are we to get rid of these words? Would it not have been better, then, to express our intentions to preserve, as far as we were able, the integrity of the Spanish dominions ; or, rather, would it riot have been better to dispense with all French phraseology, and to say, that we would, to the utmost of our power, preserve the Spanish dominions whole and entire 2—With this exception, the Speech is very satisfactory. It says as much as could have been reasonably expected at this time; but, while I wish not to detract from the merit of the ministers, in this respect, truth demands, that I should remark, that they have appeared rather reluctant in making a communication of their sentiments and intentions: they have been the iron and not the flint: they have not inspired the public, but the public them. An express message, upon the subject, would have been far preferable; it would have more strongly marked a disposition to be hearty in the cause of the

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Spanish Patriots; a specific sum asked for on that particular account would have had great weight in other parts of Europe as well as in Spain.——I have witnessed, upon this occasion, with some regret, an uncommon disposition to execrate Buonaparté for his perfdy towards Spain. Really, there appears to have been very little perfidy on his part. His views were not at all disguised, nor, indeed, was it possible to disguise them from the government of Spain. From the people, with the aid of the government, it was possible to disguise them; but, from the government itself, it was totally impossible. Aad, then, as to the consequences, who is hot pleased with them 2 Who is not now glad that Buonaparté did make an attempt to put the crown of Spain upon the head of his brother ? This is so obviously a fortunate circumstance, in the eyes of all those, who wished to see the Spanish nation free, that one cannot help fearing, that such uncommon manifestations of anger against him, upon this occasion, indicate vexation at the rospect of seeing that freedom atchieved. e anger seems, in fact, to arise from the mortification that is felt at his having given the people of Spain an opportunity of shewing, that a nation, when its energies are roused, is capable of defending itself without a royal family and a civil list. The grand question is now to be decided, whe

ther regular armies, however numerous and |

well-trained, are capable of subduing a great nation, whose population are bent upon resistance, animated by the motive of acquiring

or preserving their liberties. These same

French armies have subdued kingdom af. ter kingdom, where there was a sovereign prince reigning; they have now to subdue a nation, who has neither king nor government ; and, if they fail, having a large army already introduced into the heart of the country, no man will hereafter say, that large regular armies are necessary to the defence of a country, the people of which have freedom to defend.——I hope that no stupid and selfish brute will be suffered to approach the ear of our ministers with insinuations as to the effect of such an examPle. I hope that no such villainous insinuations will be listened to, at any rate. I hope that there will be no delay in sending off succours to the self-armed and self-commanded Patriots of Spain. I hope that there will be no coldness perceiveable, on our

Part.—In Piedmont there was an arming of

the peasantry; the same in several parts of Germany; the same in Austria; the same in Prussia; the same in Russia; every where &d we hear of Wolunteers and Leyies-en

masse. But, somehow or other, there has

been no where any effectual resistance.

The people have been found to be nothing against the armies of France. Their kings

and our news-papers have represented the

people as ready to perish to the last man;

but, when the pinch has come, they have

preferred remaining unhurt, and their coun

tries have been subdued. Poet Fitzgerald,

who has pasted up his doggerel against every dead wall, deserted house, and stinking cor

ner, of the town, calls upon the Germans

and Italians to rouse themselves and to join the Spanish Patriots; but, poet Fitzgerald

does not seem to perceive, that the Spaniards

have a motive, which the Germans and Italians have not. The latter, indeed, might

and may have a motive ; but, the former have none. The Spaniards are fighting for themselves. They are engaged in a struggle,

not only against the French, but against

what they call their “late infamous govern

“ment.” They are not hazarding their

lives merely to obtain a choice of masters; but, at the same time, to insure the restora

tion and preservation of their freedom. There is a talk of associations and subscriptions in England for the purpose of aiding the Patriots of Spain. Nothing could be more honourable to the country. We have had “voluntary contributions” before, and why not now, in a cause, which, if any man dislikes it, he will be hardly bold enough to express that dislike. The government took the lead in exciting the people to associate and subscribe before ; but, I haar of none of this now ; nor do I hear a word of the Lloyd's people. Let us wait, however, and see what proof they give of their feelings upon this occasion. Let us see, how many copper pennies they will draw out in the cause of a people, for ages oppressed, bent upon re-acquiring their freedom. The Spanish Patriots have drawn the sword, not only for the preservation of their country from a foreign yoke; but for the restoration of the Cortes, that is to say, a representation of the people; and also for a reform of abuses, including, of course, not only an examination into the conduct of peculators, but the condign punishment of those infamous wretches, who have so long revelled in luxury upon the fruit of the people's labour. This is the cause of the Spanish Patriots, and we shall now see who will, in England, take the lead in subscribing to support this glorious cause; and, we shall have an opportunity of comparing the sums and names which will appear upon the list, with the sums and names which have appeared upon other subscription lists. In this cause one

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might have hoped to see, not only pecuniary, but personal aid, voluntarily given. To have heard a thousand or two of English gentlemen asking the king permission to join the bands of Patriots in Spain, fighting in the cause of freedom, would have sounded well; but, Bond Street and the Bicchanalian routes, the gaming table, the stews, and, which is still worse, the concerts, have, for them, more charms than the din and toil and danger of battle. They can sing “How sleeps the “brave 2" but they are quite willing to leave the thing to the enjoyment of others. They can, like poet Fitzgerald, recite odes to liberty; but, if liberty is to be fought for, the soldiers must not be sought amongst them. No : we shall see them as cold as death, upon this occasion. They hate Buonaparté because they fear him; because they fear that he will deprive them of their pleasures; because his acts and views are in incessant war against all that is effeminate and base; but, they will not stir an inch to oppose him. Some few, however, one would hope, might be found of a different description. We shall see, whether, amongst the whole of the nobility and gentry of this kingdom, here be found a hundred to volunteer their personal services in support of the tause of freedom in Spain. What are the universities doing? Do they not afford a

dozen or two, whose impatience to partake

in so glorious a warfare is not to be restrained? One would think that stone walls would, at such a time, be unable to contain the high-blooded youths, who inhabit those seminaries. We shall see.—The Morning Chronicle, of the 5th instant, has the following passage : “We have seen, with “ SATISFACTION, that the official paper of government has been instructed to contradict the runsour, that the DUKE of YORK is himself to take the command of the Expedition. Ministers have in this instance paid becoming respect to the feelings of the public.”—From this, it would appear, that the ministerial paper,

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alluded to, had announced the intention of .

the ministers to commit the troops, destined for Spain, to the command of the Duke of York, which had, it seems, greatly alarmed the Editor of the Morning Chronicle. His meaning is, I suppose, that the Duke ought not to be spared from home, while there is even a possibility of this .." being invaded by a formidable enemy; for that, though we ought to do our utinost to assist the Patriots of Spin, the duty of providing for our security is certainly not to be meglected. It was for similar reasons, we

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the other day, expressed a hope, that the people would, if they found the thing fu

agitation, send up an unanimovs petition

against sending the Duke of York to Spain. The same motives will, doubtless, operate in preventing any of the royal dukes, who have all, I believe, except the Duke of Clarence, commands of districts in England, from being sent to partake in the glory of restoring long-lost freedom to Spain. The Spanish Patriots, however, do not, to say the truth, appear to want much instruction in the science of appointing commanders ; for the rule they have laid down is excellent. “It is,” say they, “indispen“sible, that each province should have its “ general, of known talents, and of such “ experience as our situation permits; that “ his heroism should inspire the utmost con“fidence; and that every general should “ have under his command officers of merit, “ particularly of artillery and engineers.” —You see, they are resolved not to entrust their safety to the bands of either a fool or a coward, and are aware that merit alone ought to be considered in the appointment of even inferior officers. If they do but stick to this, they will triumph, without any assistance from any part of the world. If there be a serious war, in Spain, we shall now see how far the people of a country are capable of selecting their commanders. ła every way, in which it can be considered, the struggie, now going on in Spain, is interesting to be world, and particularly to England. Should the Spaniards succeed in driving out the French, the reverses of Napoleon will not stop there. They will assuredly pursue him into Portugal, where also “a reform of abuses" will take place. Similar effects may be produced in Italy. The noble spirit may extend itself to Holland, to Germany, and the North ; and, it is possible, that the new despotism may be ejected from France itself. All this, if it should be atchieved, will have been atchieved by a people, having no guide but that of their own good sense and a desire to be free, Napoleon his, of late, become the patron of crowned heads. He never opens his lips but “by the Grace of God;" he always winds up with talking of the authority given him by “ Providence;” and, in his letter to the late Prince of Asturias, he plainly says, that the people are always to be considered as hating kings, and are to be, of course, looked upon as enemies, and treated as such. The war, in Spain, therefore, is a war of the people against despotism. There is a revolution going on in favour of liberty ; 4i J enough, that we should now be fighting on the side of the people, and that, too, with the only fair prospect of success that we have bad since the commencement of a war of fifteen years, duration — What a won.derful thing it will be; what a subject for the able Listorian ; if Buonaparié should fols in consequence of his despotic acts, af. ter having himself been the terror, the scourge, , and the destroyer of despotism. In order to be able to eradicate deep-rooted despotism, it seems to have been necessary for him to possess and exercise despotic powers greater than those which he had to overcome ; and, now that his work is done, if he should be deprived of those powers by a spirit of liberty generally diffused over this fair and oppressed quarter of the globe, how interesting the scene will become ! It is desirable, that the war in Spain -hould not be of very short duration. No nation, in such a state, was ever regenerated without an arduous struggle. There are no onefous vermin to destroy in Spain, and, to insure their complete destruction, the storm most not only be violent, but must list for some time. It is in stormy times, that great and salutary changes are most easily effected. When men have arms in their hands, and are hourly exposing their lives, they think nothing at all of miking those changes in civil matters, which choges they would, at other times, treamble but to think of. All

--~~~. that the Times news-paper, | and, I must repeat, that it is curious

great and good changes, in matters relating

to government, have been made in stormy times Necessity is the mother of invention, and, it is in such times, that a nation feels what is necessary to it.——It will require time and experience, too, for the people of Spain to discover, who are the wisest, the most vigilaut, the roost by ave, and most public-spirited inen in their conntry. Slavery, like darkness, keeps then from the knowledge of each other. At present the le of Spain can know but very little of their leaders. T.,ey aleet like acquaintances of yesterday. Like the inhabitants of a city brought together by a fire. Ali must be confusion and uncertainty. It will reire time for things to jostle into order. , who present themselves for trust and confidence will be found unworthy. Time for trial is wanted. A year's war and hardship and danger will winnoy the people; will divide the grain from the chat; ; the hollow from the solid, the rotten from the sound. It requires time, too, to wear away! preludices; to destroy the effect of names ; to make the people, from experience, learn how they have been duped and abused by

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a . . ... . . [42 give to truth that fair play, which the people hove been madé'tú sàbour to deprive it of. The Provisional Government recommend, it will be seen; frequent short and pithy publications, calculated to counteract the falsehoods promulgated through the newspapers of the “late infamous government." This is a good beginning; but, it will require time to do away the effect of the reiterated lies of those newspapers. It is possible, too, that many of those leaders, who are opposed to the French, may not wish for such a change as would restore freedom to the people; but, if the struggle continue any length of time, and become arduous, they will find, that they must either go the whole way with the people, or submit to the Frenck.--There must be time to break up connections. To tear to pieces the accursed trammels, which it has taken ages to make. The locusts, who have so long been devouring the fruits of the people's labour, would soon find the means of alighting upon them again, unless destroyed by the long duration of the storm. With a hoard of prey they will retire to their hiding, places and wait for the sun-shine; but, if the storm last for a year or two, out they must come, expose themselves to observation, and labour or starve. The hurricane and the torrent, though they do great visible mischief, do greater invisible good; and a struggle, such as that which we are, I hope, about to witness, in Spain, though it occasions great sufferings for the time, naturally and necessarily puts a stop to all those vices, which degrade, and, by degrees, enslave a nation. I will venture to say, that already bribery and corruption have reccived a check in Spain; sycophancy can have no meat to feed on ; the whole body of flatterers and panders and procuresses (a numerous bo' ') inust be nerly disbanded. Murat and his people. having other matters to attend to ; the troops of players, dancers, musicians, and buffoons must be in a miserable way; the enois, hordes of admils and peso oppressors old robbers can scarcely stato a holice of gettig bread any longer without working. Holt, it will require time; it will req ise a good long and rough contest ..f3, clear o land of all those, and other noxious gos. There will be no real good to Spain, totil the peculators are justly punished, and their wives and children are - fugdé to 'Libour far their bread...Without accon, to: this, the cbdüge would not be worth wishing for, much less shedding of blog) for What could Joseph Napoleon and his set do, more than rob the people

the most contemptible of their species; to with impunity For my part, if I were a

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