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blood, he had fulfilled all the duties of a virtuous prince, adored by his subjects, and who, to the Supreme Being alone, has to account for his actions.—The French government there observed a line of conduct towards his R. H. and his dominions, which would be unprecedented in history, were not the invasion of Switzerland by France, in the time of the executive directory, of a similar description. Gen. Junot, without any previous declaration, without the consent of
the Prince Regent of Portugal, entered the
kingdom with the vanguard of his army, assuring the people of the country through which he marched, that he was going to succour his R. H. against an invasion of the English, and that he entered Portugal as the general of a friendly and allied power. He received on his journey convincing proofs of the good faith of the Pöltuguese government; for he witnessed the perfect uneasiness which prevailed with regard to France; and that all the Portuguese troops were near the coast. His R. H. the Prince of Portugal, surprised in such an extraordinary manner, might have rallied around him the body of troops, which were at a small distance from him, caused the English fleet to enter the port of lisbon, and thus cut to pieces the small and miserable corps with which gen. Junot was advancing, with a degree of temerity which would have been ridiculous, had not gen. Junot, whose conduct at Venice and Lisbon has but made bim too well known, relied on the feelings of a virtuous prince, who would never expose his people to the most dreadful of calamities by a sure first success, which only could have served to chastise the audacity of a man, who, like many others, abused the power with which he was entrusted, or who acted in pursuance of orders which cannot be justified.—His royal highness the Prince Regent then adopted the only measure which could suit his situation, according to the principle which he had constantly followed, to save the blood
of his people, and in order to prevent the
Siminal plan of the French government from being carried into execution, which had nothing less in view than to secure his royal person and the whole royal family, in order to divide, at its own will and pleasure, the spoils of the crown of Portugai and the Portuguese dominions. Providence second“d the efforts of a just prince, and the magontmous resolution which his royal highness oped, to retire, with his august royal
finiy, to Brazil, disconcerted at once the
efforts of the French government, and exo: in the clearest light, in the face of
ope, the criminal and treacherons views * * government which aims at the universal
domination of all Europe and of the wice world, if the great European powers, roused from the lethargic stupor into which they are sunk, do not make common cause vigorously to oppose an ambition so immoderate and excessive.—Since his R. H.'s safe arrival in his dominions, in Brazil, he has learned with horror, not only the usurpation of Portugal, and the pillage and plunder, practised in that country, but also the shameful proceeding of the Emperor of the French, who, as the true dictator of Europe, dares to represent it as a crime of his R. H.'s that he has removed
his seat of gwernment to Brazil; and in his
faithful subjects who followed him, to have accompanied a prince, whom all his people revere, still more on account of his virtues, than of the rights of his august royal family. which he has inherited, and by virtue of which he reigns over them. His R. H. has witnessed with horror the hardihood with which an attempt has been made, in an official paper, to proscribe the rights of his august royal family to the crown of Portugal, with which he will never part ; and he is entitled to demand of the emperor of the French, from what code of the law of nations he has drawn similar principles, and received such an authority, claiming to this subject the most serious consideration of all European powers, who cannot see with indifference what has here been stated, and. the introduction of a new government in Portugal, without his consent : as well as the raising of an exorbitant contribution, demanded from a country which opposed no kind of resistance to the entry of the French troops, and which, on this very ground, could not consider itself as being at war with France.—The most remote posterity, as well as impartial Europe, will see with grief similar transactions, the forerunners of ages of barbarism and misery, such as those which followed the downfall of the Roman empire, and which cannot be avoided, unless exertions be made to restore the equipoise of Europe, by an unanimous effort, and with a total oblivion of all ideas of rivalship, which have hitherto been the true causes of the elevation of that thonstrous power which threatens to swallow up allAfter this correct and true statement, made by his R. H. the Prince Regent of Portugal, to Europe and to his subjects, of every thing which has taken place between the Portuguese and French government ; and as the emperor of the French has not only invaded Portugal, and laid that coust', ut.der the most dreadful and almost incre, e ontributious, under the cloak of f : . s". but has also long ago withdrawn h ... : X from his Roval Highness's court, and even caused Portuguese merchant ships to * seized, which were in his ports, without any previous declaration of war, and contrary to an express article of the treaty of neutrality, from which he derived the greatest advantages; and, lastly, declared war against him, according to the report of the minister for foreign affairs ; his Royal Highness, after having resigned his cause into the hands of the Almighty, whom he has every right to invoke in so just a cause,
thinks if due to his rank, and to the dignity
of his crown, to make the following declaration —His Royal Highness breaks off all communication with France, recalls all the members of his embassy, if any should yet remain, and authorises his subjects to wage war, by sea and land, against the subjects of the emperor of the French-His R. H. declares mall and void all the treaties which the emperor of the French has compelled him to conclude, and in particular those of Badajoz and Madrid, in 1801, and that of neutrality in 1504; because he has violated and never respected them.—His R. H. shall not lay down his arms, unless in concert with his Britannic Majesty, his old and faithful ally, and will never agree to a cession of Portugal, which forms the most ancient part of the inheritance and of the rights of his august royal family.—When the emperor ef the French shall have satisfied. in every point, the just claim of his Royal Highness the Prince Regent of fortugal,
and shall have relinquished the dictatorial |
and imperious tone in which he lords it over oppressed Europe, and when he shall have restored to the crown of Portugal all he has invaded, in the midst of peace, and without she least provocation, his royal highness will avail himself of the earliest opportunity to renew the connexion which has always subsisted between the two countries, and which ought to exist between nations, which will never be divided but by the principles of an inordinate ambition, which, according to the experience of ages, have also proved destructive to the welfare and tranquillity of all nations by which they were adopted.
tigal to be reared, round which every loyal
ly determination of the people of Portugal to establish the government of their lawful o and emaucipate their country from "rench oppression—I send, agreeable to your requests, ships, troops, arms, and ammunition, and have directed the standard of his royal highness the Prince Regent of Por
Portuguese is hereby invited immediately to rally, and to take up arms in so just and so glorious a cause.—To be successful, Portuguese, you must be unauimous ; and, joined by your brave neighbours and friends the Spaniards, you must not be intimidated by menaces, nor seduced by promises.—Some months’ experience must have convinced you i of the effect of French friendship; it is now to British faith and assistance, aided by yout own energy and efforts, that you will, I trust, be indebted to the restoration of your princs and the independence of your country.— (Signed) C. Cotto N.
The Tenth Volume of the above Work, comprising the period from the Opening of the Session on the 21st of January to the 8th of April, is ready for delivery. The Eleventh Volume, which will close the Debates of the Session, is in considerable forwardness. The Appendix will contain the Annual Financial Accounts, together with other valuable Documents connected with the Proceedings in Parliament during
Printed by Cox and Baylis, Great Queen Street; published by R. Bagshaw, Brydges Street, CoventCarden, where former Numbers may be had : soid also by J. Budd, Crown and Mitre, Pail-Mall
Vol XIV. No. 8 | LONDON, SATURDAY, AUGUST 20, 1808. [Price 10n.
“Damns with faint praise.......”—Pops.
SUMMARY OF POLITICS. ocks of York-Of all the subjects, • ca, for some time past, have engaged atten,ion of the public, no one has exof ca interest so general and, to all aponce, so deep, as the talked-of appoint"... of the Duke of York to take comion of the army destined to act in Spain and Portugal. Not to the inns, the coffeehouses, the marts, the malls, and the settied gossiping soops has the conversation
upon this subject been confined. It has en
tered into all private circles; it has been a slauding dish at the dinner and tea-table; men stop each other in the streets to talk about the Duke of York's going to Spain; the eager Londoner stops, even in his way to the Change, to ask whether it be really true, that the Duke of York is going to $on; nay, in the very church-porches of the country, among the smock-frocked poficians, whose conversations, as to public matters, seldom went beyond the assessed taxis, you see half a score faces thrust almost to the point of contact, in order to How “for zartin if the Duke of Yark be "a gooen to be zent to Spain.” I have often wondered how this last-mentioned deoption of persons came to hear of the Duke of York; khat is to say, how they time to know, that there was such a person in the world. Not one out of a thousand of hem knows that there is such a man as Mr. Canning or Mr. Perceval. They all are omiliarly acquainted with the name of Lord Nelson. This I can account for; but, treally cannot account for the perfect know“ge which thcy appear to have of “ the Duke of Yark," as they call him. The otis, however, that, in spite of whatever torts some persons may have made to keep the deeds of the Duke hidden from the world, to put, as it were, his light under a bohel, be is, at this moment, not a bit less “mous than Lord Nelson himself, and has, of the fault shall not be mine, as fair a chance of immortality. Such being the coe, the discussion relative to the talked-of ointment ought not to be slovened over. We ought, before we quit it, to come to "hething like a conclusion, so that we may *7 with us a settled opinion, which may
words of my motto. The letter is long and
very dull, but I wish to have it upon record, that, if the subject should ever be started again, we may refer to the sort of statement and reasoning made use of at this time. The reader will perceive, that the letter purports to be a commentary upon a printed address to the Cabinet ministers, it which address those ministers are, it seems, censured for not sending the Duke of York to Spain in defiance of what it acknowledges to be the public opinion, but which it calls “ po“ pular prejudice.” “ I have not seen “ the printed Address to the Cabinet Mi“ nisters mentioned in your paper of this “ day, and I sincerely hope and trust it has not fallen under the view of his Royal “ Highness the Duke of York. It must give “ the gallant mind ertreme pain to find, that “ some despicable parasite has endeavoured “ to use his name, as a cover for the foullest “ insinuations against departed greatness; “ and, though I doubt not his zeal to en“ counter danger in the great cause of ra“ tional liberty, yet that zeal cannot but be “ controuled by a respectful deference to “ the general wisdom of the nation. I “ say the wisdom, for although there may “ be some prejudice in those who attribute to his Royal Highness the failures of those “ expeditions which he has formerly con“ manded; yet the wisest and best men “ know, that the effect of such prejudices “ cannot be wholly obliterated from their “ own minds, still less from the minds of “ soldiers in general, who are to act in “ subordination to their commander, and “ whose personal safety is to depend on his “ judgment. It is therefore wise, so to “choose our generals if possible, as that “ no prejudice, whether in respect to the “ influence of luck, or of talents, or of “ any other ingredient in their characters,
may check that full tide of considence, without which no soldier should go into battle. Of this his Royal Highness is no doubt convinced, and therefore he has, it is said, personally decline l pursuing an object which, perhaps, was once near his heart. Neither his Majesty himself, nor any of his royal offspring, have ever been deemed deficient in that courage which has always characterised the JHouse of Brunswick, and is most becoming the rank they hold in this free country. But on various occasions it has been thought necessary to restrain their natural inclination, and to reserve the display of their personal bravery to times of still greater national hazard. No one can forget the warmth with which the heir apparent not long since solicited an ostensible command in the army, destined to repel invasion ; nor the steadiness with which his demand was resisted. I believe every man in the United Kingdom honoured the prince for entertaining such
a wish : many, who did so, certainly ap
proved of its disappointment. The case
is exactly the same with the Duke , but
his royal highness will, no doubt, submit with dignity to a necessity which he cannot but lament, remembering the old Fabian maxim, Famae etiam jactus a facirda est pro patrid.—If this be so, what words are sufficient to express a jast indignation against the wretched scribbler, whoever he be, who with the hope of recommending himself to the favour of the commander in chief, dares at once to insult the judgment, and to endanger the safety of a whole nation. Let him beware of public execration, and wisely continue to shroud his name in the obscurity which at present envelopes it. As to the ministers whom he endeavours to cajole, they ought to be the most seriously offended, both by the contemptuous opinion which he shews of their understandings, and the incvitable danger of losing their places to which he would expose thein. In a free eountry, public opinion must be listened to ; and terrible would be the vengeance against a cabinet who should dare so openly to set it at nought.— But, says the parasite, ministers ought to lead, not follow public opinion. True, an energetic minister will know how to enlighten an ignorant people, and if their salvation depend on the instant adoption of any neasure, however unpalatable, he will carry it into effect. But it is the very cant of despotism to tell the people they never can be judges of right
or wrong. What is meant by the people in this country ninety-nine times out of a hundred, when they approach at all towards unanimity, is right. In the present instance, it is notorious that ministers and people, ins and outs, are fully agreed in opinion; and they are all to be set right by an anonymous writer . But though he prove all that he attempts to prove, what does it amount to ? That his
royal highness has the negative merit of
not being the cause of certain disasters which have befallen the armies under his command. Observe, that the secretary at war may say the same of the Ferrul expedition ; but this would be but a bad plea for sending him to Spain, perhaps to Ferrol itself, to animate the patriots by his presence. Observe, that General IWhitelocke (who, by the bye, canted about the newspapers too), not only might say, but did say the same of the defeat at Buenos Ayres; but it will be hardly recommended, on such a ground, to give him a command in Spain. It is thus this writer degrades his royal highness by advancing, as arguments in his favour, what would equally apply to, at least have been equally urged by, some of the worst officers in the army. But it was necessary for him to do much more, It was necessary to shew not only that his royal highness's military talents possessed the greatest positive excellence; but that they so far outweighed those of any other
general in his majesty's service, and car.
fied with them so inevitable a certainty of success, as to counterpoise every prejudice arising from his former, ill-fortune, to stand in the place of the enthusiasm of his whole army, and to render it a crime
ir, ministers to trust their own weak and 4.
limited judgment in opposition to such consummate wisdom. Now, as his royal highness's good sense would revolt at a flattery so gross, so no man who has 3 character to lose would dare to insult the public by avowing and putting his name to such an opinion. It is only to be lamented that private and anonymous attempts are made to produce that disa: greement between his royal highness and the public at large, which no true friend to the royal family or to the public tran: quillity could see without the deepest regret. I look upon it a part of the same artifice to represent his royal highness's appointment as the wish of the Spanish patriots. That it can be the wish of no true friend of Spain, while it is decidedly contrary to the judgment of Great Britai",
is an absurdity to suppose; and is such a wish has been expressed by any of the patriots, or of their deputies (which I do not believe), it has certainly becrl drawn from them by the falsest misrepresentation. Wishing all due credit to be given to his royal highness's brave and patriotic sentiments on the one hand, and all proper weight to be allowed to the great considerations of policy, which, on the other, preclude the possibility of his appointment, I trust that the question will remain finally at rest, and that the address will be treated with the contempt “ which it deserves. I am, Sir, &c. “ CAND1 pus." For what purpose this very candid gentleman thought proper to repeat the word failures so often, and always in the plural number, to which, I suppose, he would, if our language had admitted of ::, have added the masculine gender, in der to make them appear as big as possile; for what purpose he has so repeatedly referred to these failures; for what purpose he has introduced the affairs of Ferrol and Buencs Ayres; for what purpose he has, in as small a compass as the case would *imit of, huddled together the narûes of Sir James Pusteney, General IWhiteloche, and the Duke of York; for what purpose he has had recourse to such extraseous matter I shall not endeavour to discover, nor is it, indeed, of the smallest importance to the discussion, being, as far as I can perceive, not at all connected with the main, and the solely interesting, point; which is, how far it be consistent with sound policy, may with plain common sense, to refuse, upon the ground stated by this writer, the request, which he assumes the Duke of York made to go to Spain, and yet to keep the very same Duke “ in reserve,” to use a phrase of his own, to command the army at home, when, if that army should be wanted, the i.nger to England must be a thousand times as great as can be possibly apprehended fro:n any failure, of whatever magnitude, in Spain. This is a point, in which every man, woman, and child must have an interest ; and, it is this point, which I mean to discuss ; or rather, I mean shortly to expose the folly, and, I must say it, the shocking baseness, of the writer, by whom the affirmative of the proposition has been attempted to be maintained—But, before I proceed a step further, let me guard against any misconstruction, or misapprehension, of my meaning. Observe, then, that I do not say, that the Duke of York has offered his services for Spain; on the contrary, I proceed expressly upon the will impossibility of his having made such
an offer, because, as I stated in my last, it would be libellous in the most hateful, may (excuse my warmth !) in the most hellish degree, to suppose, that he would, for one moment, continue to fill the office and receive the emoluments as Commander-inChief at home, if, upon the score of his former failures (which is the reason alledged by this writer) his offer to take the chief command in Spain had been rejected by the ministers, for whatever cause that rejection might have proceeded. Mark me well, then ; I do not admit that the Duke of York made the offer in question ; and, if he did make it, I scout the idea of its having been rejected upon the score of former failures. Proceeding, then, upon a mere hypothesis, let us ask this very clever gentleman; this very loyal gentleman; this very patriotic gentleman of the Morning Chronicle, what are his reasons for thinking it sound policy for rejecting a general for foreign service, on account of his former failures; and, at the same time, keeping that general in the chief command at home 2 He tells us, that, whatever may be the real fact, with regard to the wisdom or courage of a general, the effect of prejudices against hirn cannot be obliterated from the minds of the soldiers, whose personal safety must, in so great a degree, depend upon his conduct; that it is,
therefore, wise so to choose our generals,
that no prejudice, no forebodings with respect to conduct, may check the full tide of confidence, with which soldiers ought to go into battle; that, therefore, it is necessary, to restrain the inclination, which generals, against whom there exists a prejudice, may feel for foreign commands, and “to reserve the dis“ play of their personal bravery for times of “ still greater national hazard.” I will say, for this writer, that he deals not in the mysterious. His meaning is too plain to be mistaken. But, my good loyal gentieman ; if you be not in jest; if you do not wish to be understood as speaking ironically; can you tell me who, a want of confidence (for such you suppose to exist) should be less likely to arise in an army at home than in an army abroad 2 IPhy a want of confidence should be less likely to arise in times of great national hazard at home. than in a foreign camp or field of battle 2 Is it, that the troops, who would be employed at home, would be composed of persons more accus
tomed to meet with difficulties; more ac
customed to dispense with a want of confidence in the skill and courage of a chief; more likely to go boldly on, without thinking of their leader; more accustomed to set, comparatively, little value upon property and