our hearts?" Do we not all" look up to "him, with a fervour of esteem, and degree of veneration, which KINGS may EN"Vy but DO NOT OBTAIN?" I wish to put these questions fairly home to the heart and conscience of every truly independent "yeoman" in the county, particularly and privately. I wish most heartily I could poll them all, by this intimate and searching spru tiny the result of it would be glorious! I would manifest from it, to all the world, how right Mr. Thomas Roope and I are, in our exclusive admiration (nay idolatry) of Mr. Coke. I cannot but declare my expecial concurrence in Mr. Roope's commendation of those very judicious particulars in Mr. Coke's conduct, which place his wisdom far above that of any other power. I mean his disinterested plan of making his tenants independent yeomen," by long leases and favourable terms;' his building them "houses fit for the residence of gentlemen;" and "expending vast sums in the purchase of the most elegant and costly pieces of plate to simulate indus"try!" Means and ends most sagaciously adapted to each other! Though such forbearance and such expenditure, taken together, may constitute a goodly revenue, the lofty mind of our higher than noble " patron." feels that all is well bestowed; and, from his proud exaltation he looks down with supreme contempt, on the little-minded patricians or plebeians, who meanly and sordidly think, that such precious possessions as popularity and electioneering interests, can be bought too dear. Mr. Thomas Roope and I cordially approve and admire. I caunot, however, follow my adventurous and enraptured leader quite so far, as to say: "Would to God that every Englishman's bo

som glowed with the same ambitious "hopes, and I should have no fear for

England's safety." On the contrary, I should have very great fear indeed. Not that I at all suspect Mr. Coke of being inclined to do any mischief; but that in that case, among so many contending and inconsistent daims of pre eminence, there could not be room for the expansion and free play of such generous and multifarious animosity, and the whole county would, (to use a Norfolk simile) exhibit the exact resemblance of one grand batile of turkeys! A sight silly and laughable enough upon a moderate scale, but on so vast an one, it certainly could not but be productive of great alam and danger.-I warmly join in the praise of Mr. Coke's political consistency. It is no more than barely just, to allow that in the main, prominent, and character

istic feature of his political life, the great point of paramount importance, to which he has uniformly bent all the powerful s energies of his bright and various talents, all the rich stores of his rare knowledge, all the vigorous plasticity and elasticity of his mighty mind he has been super eminently t cousistent! No other politician has been so immoveably firm. From the very beginning of Mr. Pitt's career, (at least, from the time of his sturdy and disrespectful uncom pliance-verbum sat!) has not Mr. Coke always, without the minutest variation, de clared and manifested his opposition, not t only to the measures, but to the man? Ha he not been known to prochim, to all whom sl it might concern, that he always would op pose whatever might proceed from that odious minister? Was he ever once caught trip ping, like Sir Francis Wronghead, in" say ing aye when he should have said no?" Has he not repeatedly quitted the solid "comforts of domestic life, and the most "landable pursuits which can engage the "attention of man," and travelled post by night or by day, through fair weather of foul; no matter-so that he could but get into the house in time for the division? Nay, has he not been known (when notice has been given of another opposition-motion) an even to stay several days in that abominable sink of pollution, London, amidst ** transi

tory joys," "glittering baubles," "empty "parade," and "useless routs ? And when at an awful moment, his associates in opposition (and among them the generous and noble-natured Fox) professed that every emotion of hostility' was extinct within them, when they sighed or wept, and said that death had put enmily under his feet, HE rose sublimely superior to such imbecillity, and with more than Roman firmness, still holds forth an illustrious example of unshaken political consistency, more perfect than Britain ever saw before. Even to this day, has he ever been known to make a speech at any publis meeting, political or agricultural, without taking occasion (often with the utmost ingenuity,) of either making a direct a d gallant attack, or throwing ont the bitterest oblique sarcasms, on that justly detested name, that object of his rooted aversion? If such a man do not deserve the glorious title of "patriot," on whom can it be be stowed? Such consistency, characterizing whole career of his parliamentary du "ties," and "all his patriotic proceedings" (nay, constituting the main sum and substance of them, so far as the world has heard,) does not only entitle him to the thanks of the county, for what by the courtesy of

the "

party is called the county) but to those of the whole country; gives him a claim to the "estimable and lasting treasures of GENERAL ADMIRATION and UNIVERSAL ESTEEM." I cannot help offering sincere thanks to Mr. Thomas Roope, for so judiciously introducing this topic. I come now to another subject truly magnificent; of which the world might have known nothing, had it not been for the warm zeal of Mr. Rocpe. How do I envy the honour he has enjoyed, of dining and conversing, at the "hospitable board," in the "princely abode," with "foreigners " of the first rank from various parts of the "world,"- - even Sovereign Princes, it seems! How does my bosom swell to catch a share in that proud and triumphant exaltation, which must have been felt by wHIGS, when they heard crowned heads, speak of themselves with such becoming humility, and in meek prostration acknowledge their inferiority! We petty monarchs of little "states, could have formed no such ideas!" This is indeed inexpressibly grand! Transcendently sublime! It absolutely overcomes me! I sink under the overwhelming emotion of supreme delight!-I trust, Mr. Cobbett, we shall after this, hear no more of "little "talents and ambition." But if you suspect that Mr. Thomas Reope and I have fabri cated a specious eulogium, only to produce effect at a distance, come among us yourself! Come to our meetings! The admission isonly @ GUINEA! Take the evidence of your own senses! Behold ouringurgitations and regur gitations of intoxicating panegyric aud port! Listen to the explosive and expansive bursts of involuntary and uncontroulable applause! of enraptured and enrapturing puff! Join in our animating choral strains, patriotic, potatory, and prurient! in the grand vocal artillery of "three times three!" Mark, and admire our homage so humbly paid, so graciously received, that humility and condescension exactly neutralize each other, and all seems perfect EQUALITY. And when you have seen and heard all this, then say if you dare that Mr Coke is not " deserving of that "public, testimony of esteem, the inhabi"tants of Norfolk have so long bestowed, in electing him their representative

Join

Say that he has not deserved those marks "of distinction which he never received."Say that the kingdon contains two persons, of whom only I believe to exist."

one

"lating "plate. As I have done all I can to second him, I venture to express a modest and diffident hope that some slight token may be bestowed on me. If beggars can be allowed to chuse, I restrict my wishes to -a mustard-pot. While at my three-legged table, I contentedly dabble in it, to give a savoury relish to my cheese, I shall hear with delight and admiration, but without envy, of the splendour of Mr. Thomas Roope; who after a sumptuous banquet (a Grand Presentation-Dinnei) at the "hospitable board," in the " princely abode," will gloriously replenish his honorary silver jordan!" I could add a great deal more, but "less I could not well say." And now, Mr. Cobbett, let me confidently hope, that the same candour which in luced you to insert Mr. Roope's letter, will also secure admission to this, which is so exactly of the same import and tendency. In this pleasing hope I remain,-Your very obedient servant, WILLIAM SMITH,-Neither M. P. nor Mineralogist Duke's Palace, Norwich, 20th July, 1808.

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P. S. I shall feel very much obliged, if you can prevail on your friend Mr. Thomas Roope, to communicate through the channel of your Register, the senses which his dictionary affixes to the following words ;gentleman, liberal, learned, enlightened, dignified, judicious, beneficial, perfect, patriotism, improvement, admiration, estrem, encouragement. I could add many more, but these are the most important, and are sufficient at present. The account I find of these in my dictionary (which is Johnson's, and I am afraid is in some degree obsolete) has puzzled me extremely; and I am afraid that by trusting to it, for want of better authority, 1 may have made mistakes of Mr. Roope's meaning in some places.

gates of our capital. Happy day which you have converted to the desolation of your enemies! Look, oh Spain! down the horrible precipice that perfidy has excavated, and remember the exalted happiness, and the immortal renown your enemies have prepared for you.-Yes, Spain, with the energies of liberty, has to contend with France debilitated by slavery. If she remain firm and constant, Spain will triumph. A whole people is more powerful than disciplined armies. Those who unite to maintain the independence of their country, must triumph over tyranny. Spain will inevitably conquer in a cause the most just that has ever raised the deadly weapon of war; for she fights not for the concerns of a day, but for the serenity and happiness of ages; not for an insulated privilege, but for all the rights of human nature; not for temporal blessings, but for eternal happiness; not for the benefit of one nation, but for all mankind, and, even for France herself. Spaniards, elevate your natural courage by such sentiments! Let every tyrant of the earth perish, rather than that you should submit to despotism and to impiety. To impiety! Merciful God, let not your faithful people be exposed to such disgrace and infamy!Spaniards!-Let every honest man arise in defence of his country; let your iron and brass be converted into thunderbolts of war: let all Spain become a camp: let her population become an armed host; above all, let our youths fly to the detence of the state, for the son should fall before the father appear in the ranks of battle; and you, tender mothers, affectionate wives, fair maidens, do not retain within your embraces, the sweet objects of your love, until from victory returned, they deserve your affection. They withdraw from your arms not to fight for a tyrant, but for their God, for a monarch worthy the veneration of his people; and not only for these, but for yourselves and for your companions. Instead of regretting their departure, like the Spartan women, sing the song of jubilee; and when they return conquerors to your arms, then, and not till then, weave the laurel crown for their reception. The love of religion, of independence, and of glory, those noble passions, the preservers of great empires, penetrate into our inmost souls. Let us all swear, by the outrages suffered by our country, by the victims sacrificed on the 2d of May, by our own swords, bathed in the parricidal blood of the ferocious Napoleon, that we will inflict the punishment decreed by the God of Vengeance. And you, rich men, rendered selfish, not patriotic, by in dulgence, do not continue in ignoble repose,

but exert your means, that peace may be. secured. If debilitated by inactivity, you are incapable of enduring the fatigues of war, let your treasures supply the wants of the indigent, and the necessities of the defender of the country. And you, ye venerable orders of religion, do not ye withhold the sums necesary for the support of the common cause! (To be continued.)

PORTUGAL.-Manifesto, or justificatory Exposition of the Conduct of the Court of Portugal, with Respect to France, from the Commencement of the Revolution, to the Time of the Invasion of Portugal, and of the Motives which compelled it to declare War against the Emperor of the French, in Consequence of that Invasion, and the subsequent Declaration of War, made after the Report of the Minister of Foreign Relations. Dated Rio Janeiro, May 1, 1808.

The Court of Portugal, after having kept a silence suitable to the different circumstances in which it was placed, and to the moment when the seat of government was established, conceives that it owes to its dignity and rank among other powers, a faithful and accurate exposition of its conduct, supported by incontestible facts, in order that its subjects, impartial Europe, and also the most distant posterity, may judge of the purity of its conduct, and the principles it has adopted, as well to avoid. the fruitless effusion of the blood of its people, as because it could not persuade itself that solemn treaties, of which it had fulfilled the burdensome conditions, in favour of France, could become a despicable, an infant's toy, in the eyes of a government, whose immoderate and incommen. surable anıbition has no limits, and which has but too much opened the eyes of the persons most prejudiced in its favour. It is not in invectives, or in vain and useless meuaces, that the Court of Portugal will raise its voice from the midst of the new empire, which it is about to create; it is by true and authentic facts, explained with the greatest simplicity and moderation, that it will make known to Europe, and its subjects, all that it has suffered," that it will excite the attention of those who may still desire not to be the victims of so unbounded an ambition, and who may feel how much the future fate of Portugal, and the restitution of its states, invaded without a declaration of war, and in the midst of profound peace, ought to be of consequence to Europe, if Europe ever hopes to see revived the security and independence of the powers which formerly

composed a species of republic, that balan ced itself, and maintained an equilibrium in all its different parts. An appeal to Providence is the consequence of this exposition, and a religious prince feels all the importance of it, since guilt cannot always remain unpunished; and usurpation and violence enfeeble and consume themselves by the continual efforts they are obliged to employ. The court of Portugal, though it saw with regret the French revolution begin, and deplored the fate of the virtuous king with whom it was connected by the closest ties of blood, yét did not take any part in the war, which the conduct of the madinen who then reigned (by the confession even of the present government) forced all governments to declare against them; even when it sent succours to Spain for the defence of the Pyrenees, it always endea voured to preserve the most perfect neutrality. In the year 1793, the French government sent an envoy to the court of Portugal, who was received with the most respect, but who was not acknowledged; for then neither the principles of the law of nations, nor of public law, authorised governments to acknowledge extraordinary changes, unless they are known to be legitimate; and no nation is, in that respect, to judge for another, whilst its independence exists. The French government, without any declaration of war, or any formality, began to detain the Portuguese merchant vessels; and, after the peace in 1901, demanded and obtained indemnities for those which the court of Portugal detained, to obtain a legitimate compensation, without paying any regard to the claims and remonstrances of the Portuguese merchants. The court of Spain, which had required succours from Portugal, and which, by the confession of the French generals, was obliged to acknowledge how useful and necessary they had been, when it made peace with France, not enly forgot its ally, which it ought to have caused to be deciated in a state of peace with France, since the court of Portugal, in succouring its ally to fulfil the conditions of the treaty of alliance which existed between the two sovereigns, had no intention to make war against France; but what is perhaps unheard of, or at least very rare in the annals of history, Spain then made a common cause with France, to force Portugal to receive unjust and humiliating conditions of peace, nor did Spain cease to declare, itself the enemy of its ally, till the moment when the treaties of Badajoz and Madrid were signed, employing even the forces of France to wrest from Portugal a small extent of territory of the province of

Alentejo, on the side of Olivenza; thus leaving to posterity an eternal monument of the wretched recompense she bestowed on an ally, who, notwithstanding the ancient rivalry of the two nations, would not fail to fulfil the conditions, of a treaty of alliance which existed between them.-The treaties of peace of Badajoz and Madrid, in 1801, are likewise a new proof of bad faith in the enemies of the Court of Portugal; since the treaty of Badajoz having been signed there by Lucien Buonaparté, the French plenipotentiary, and the Prince of Peace, on the one side, and by the Portuguese plenipotentiary on the other, the French government refused to ratify it, and forced Portogal to sign a new treaty at Madrid, with much harder conditions, without being able to assign any other motives than its caprice and ambition. This latter treaty was signed almost at the same time with the treaty of London, between England and France, which moderated some conditions, too oppressive to Portugal, and fixed the limits of the coast of North America, which was confirmed by the peace of Amiens, and this consideration of England for its ancient ally, was, in the eyes of France, a new proof of the servitude and bondage in which the Eng. lish government held that of Portugal-No sooner was the treaty of 1801 concluded, than the court of Portugal hastened to fulfil all its burdensome conditions; and to shew, by the religious and punctual observation of all its engagements, how much it desired to confirm the good understanding which was re-established between the two governments, and which ought to cause to be forgotten all the injuries it had suffered, and which certainly had never been provoked on its part. The conduct of the French government was very different; as, from the first moment that peace was re-established, it required all kind of unjust sacrifices, on the part of the Portuguese government, in favour of the most extravagant and unfounded pretensions of French subjects. Europe ought then to have foreseen that its subjugation, from Lisbon to Petersburgh, was determined in the cabinet of the Thuilleries, and that it was necessary to combine to level the colossus with the ground, or submit to be his victim.

After a short interval, war broke out anew between England and France; and the Court of Portugal having made the greatest sacrifices to avoid war, and the harsh and humiliating propositions of the French government, thought itself fortunate to be able to conclude, with the greatest sacrifices of money, the treaty of 1804, in which France promised, in the sixth article, as follows:The First Consul of the French Republic