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subsist among us; let us make our enemy bite himself with envy, to see that at the same time that we are brave warriors, we love one another with reciprocity. Let no tumults or discordant voices be heard among us, but only the repeated, cordial, and harmonious clamours of, long live the prince our lord, and long live his faithful subjects. —JoAo De ALMEIDA RE BEIRo.

Moorish Proclam Atios.—Courage to the

Christian ; and to shew that we know all.

Unfortunate christian,—Ala shews his approbation to you in several ways. You were first oppressed by a tyrant, avaricious of money, who robbed my cousin Charles of his treasures, and you of your blood.

him with Zarra Zarra, which is as much as to say, not to cut off his head. Why did you not do so Because you were asleep

Since that time you have met with another tyrant, ambitious of kingdoms, and he deprived my cousin Charles of his throne, including in the privation all his race, in order to keep the possession to himself, and to come before much lapse of time to deprive me also of my throne. Arouse, christians ! Ah, French dog, why did you give opium to the christians, to get possession of the principal persons, and to effect your entry without exciting apprehension ? Why did you not enter sword in hand, that your objects may be seen and the christians may treat you with Zarra Zarra : Christians, you have lost time ! Desert this tyrant, as you regard yourselves. Let Seville be loyal, brave, and firm in doing justice Christians ! attack these dogs, and defend the kingdom for the son of my consin; and let that currish nation be abhorred for ever. Courage, brave christians ! attack them, and let Ala the great assist you. I entreat you to defend your kingdom, for my cousin, and for the Englishmen likewise. Let all nations see

this, in order that they may know who the

French dog is, and that they may rise * him. Sleep no more, christians | N

oble Junta of Seville, do strict and severe

justice on every traitor towards the Son of

my cousin, and may Ala reward you —Ali Ma HoMET.-Tetuan, June 10, 1808.

ENGLISHORDER or Council, relating to the
Trade with Spain.—Office of Committee
of Privy Council for Trade, IWhitehall,
July 14, 1808.
Sir, I am directed by the lords of the

He fell, and you acted very wrong not to treat

committee of council for trade and foreign plantations, to acquaint vou, that in consequence of a recommendation from their lordships, the lords commissioners of the admiralty have been pleased to give instructions to the admirals commanding on the Jamaica and Leeward islands stations, and to sir Sidney Smith commanding at the Brazils, to use every means in their power, as well by stationing cruizers as by the appointment of convoys, for the protection of British and Spanish vessels emploved in the trade carried on between the British free ports in the West Indies, and the Spanish colonies in that part of the world, against the attacks of French privateers; and I am to request you will communicate this information to the merchants concerned in the trade above mentioned.—I am, Sir, &c. STEPHEN CotTRE LL. - AMERICA. — (Circular Letter.) At a meeting of the president and directors of the bank of the United States, on the 13th May 1808, the following report was approved, viz. –The committee appointed to consider what measures ought in their opinion, to be pursued by the directors of this bank, respecting the stockholders of the United States' funded debt, who reside in Europe, and have empowered this bank to remit the dividends received on their account, respect “illy submit the following resolution —“ 1 hat the cashier of this bank be, and he hereby is, directed to inform the stockholders of the United States' funded debt, who reside in Europe, and have empowered the bank to reunit, for their account and risk, the dividends received thereon, that, during the present embargo, and the general deranged state of commerce, it will not be possible to purchase bills of exchange, except at an unusually high price, which must necessarily subject those stockholders to a very heavy loss : that, under circumstances so much to be regretted, it is the desire of the directors of this bank, that the said stockholders would, as soon as possible, give positive directions to the cashier, either to continue his purchase of bills, if any can be obtained, at their current price, and to remit them as usual, to their agents, or to have the amount of their dividends remain to their credit on the books of the United States, unless they should prefer their being received and deposited for their account at this bank. Attested, “ D. LENNox, President." G. SIMrson, Cashier.

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Printed by Cox and Baylis, Great Queen Street ; published by R. Bagshaw, Brydors Street, CoventGarden, where former Numbers may be had sold also by J. Budd, Clow, and Mitre, Pao-Mall.

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2251 - t SUMMARY OF POLITICS. SPAN1sh Revolution. On Friday, th: 3d instant, a grand dinner was given by to merchants and bankers, to the Spanish Dontes, at the City of London Tavern, at w: h, it appears, that the kog's ministers z-uded. At this dinner, there were, it is ris, 40) persons present ; and that they had on the table, two thousand five hundred fols weight of turtle. that being merely o: article of their food, another article fossing of for ty or off y haunches of venib. How many hundreds of wretches have

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re", to supply this gluttonous repust It a feast well calculated to inspire the seanonts, which were uttered in the form of s's, and, through which toasts, the fact been published to the world, that we to be taxe for carrying on a war in in, not for the sake of giving liberty and oness to the people of that wretched oy, but for that of restoring the hatetopotison that hid so lon; prevailed, the last act of which was, to introduce a ch army, and to give up the royal auity to Frenchmen — In any other light as the vehicle of this declaration, the onous meeting would be unworthy of tee; for, of what consequence is it to *parté what we say, or think, about itempts upon Spain 2 And, especially, what consequence is it to any one, what London gorman sizers say, or think to it? Nopoieda would laugh at the i of an attack from the turtle patriots, o, like the animal from which they take of Dame, would be easily caught napping, !, if once overthrown, would quietly he he should find it convenient to destroy m. If we could beat Napoleon with * and songs and tunes and doggerel and th the hoisting of flags, we should have on him long ago. The last time I saw Buglish flag hoisted in union with that of , other nation, it was int wined with 4 o' France, and, in the Guidhil of *ine city of London, they waved over *** of the Mayor, the Adermyer, and 9 to Upon that occasion Baoba** Health was, I think, the second toast, ** Point of satisfaction, gives, by it to *pany, it hardly seeased to yield to

the cartolods of sweet-ments, which the tawdry wives and daughters of the citizens were, with both hands at once, claimining down their throats; and, who will lay me a guinea, that, if Napoleon were to give peace and security to us, upon condition that we would leave him to work his will with Spain, a very great majority of those who devoured the 2,500 pounds weight of turtle would not jump at the offer, and express great anxiety and uneasinesss for the sending away of those very Spanish deputies, who have now to support the calamity of their caresses 2 The fourth toast was, , we are told, King Fordinand V11,” which was, the reporter says, received with loud applause, and even with enthusiasm. To give this toast was, it is very probable, the principal of ject of the meeting. In the king's speech, at the close of the last session of parliament, there was a talk about loyalty, but nothing was hinted as to whom it was the object of this country to set over Spain; in the king's answer to the address of the city of London, he is more czplicit, declaring that his sole object is to restore the cocient government of Spain; bot, still, there was room for doubt. This meeting seems to have been regarded as the best vehicle of conveying to the public, in the first instance, the fact, that we are to pay and to fight for the Bourbons. The king's iministers were présent ; one of the in was the orator for the Spanish Deputies; and, we may, therefore, safely conclude, ti, it they approved of the to st. Indeed, it is well known, tha', upon such occasions, the toasts and all the proceedings are generally laid down in writing, beforehend, and are submitted to the in histors, without whose consent not a sentiment is publicly uttered. We may, therefore, I think, look upon it as a settled point, that the object of our government is to restore the House of Bourbon to the throne of Spain, and that, too, without any limitations whatever. This I think a very unjustifiable enterprize. So for from its doing good, supposing it to succeed, I a.o. convinced it will do horn to every to ion it Europe, and particularly to this nation. We spalj, moreover, it it be the otject to place Ferdinand upon time throne, be eliga ed in supporting an usu, Fazion ; for, is to:

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notorious that he deposed his father, and , that the father has formally protested against the assumption of the royal authority by his son “ The father was an ideot,” say some; but, is that really a sufficient reason for his son s pushing him from the throne Kings would be in a perilous way, if, upon a pretence of their being ideots, they could, at any moment, be deposed. But, we are told, that the old king abdicated his throne in favour of his son Ferdinand. And, has not Ferdinand since abdicated that same throue in favour of the emperor Napoleon If one was a forced abdication the other was not less so; and, in the latter case, there has been no protest at all, while, in the former case, there was a protest. So that, if any body be rightfully king of Spain, it is the old king and not the young one, unless we allow of the validity of the several acts of abdication ; and, then, Joseph Buonaparté is the rightful king of Spain. The fact now appears to be, that there were two parties in Spain, one for the old king and the Prince of Peace, and one for the young king, then the Prince of Asturias ; that the latter did, at last, prevail; that they caused the old king to abdicate his throne; and that, after Ferdinand had been frightened away by Murat, they rose in arms to resist the French and for the purpose of causing Ferdinand to be restored. lt is, therefore, this party only who are fighting and writing against the French ; and, I am much afraid, that their object is not that of establishing freedom in Spain. If this be the case, Napoleon will be very littleaffected by the surrender of DuPost and his army. He has not a people, but merely a faction to contend with ; a faction has, and can have, no fixed principle of action; difficulties will ploduce disagreements amongst the leaders; and, one sweeping defeat puts an end to the insurrection. The war now appears to be not for freedom from oppression ; not for the purpose of keeping out a conqueror, not for the rights of the people; but merely for a choice ef despots. It is a war, in which two rival kings are contending for the mastership over an enslaved nation; and, as to the people of Spain,

, they have, if this be the case, really no.

more interest in the issue, than the sheep or the swine of Spain. I warrant them, be killed unless they have good flesh upon their bones; and the former will not be robbed, unless they possess something worth the taking away. If a man, or a nation, be enslaved, it is no matter who, er what, is his master. What signifies it to a Spaniard, whether his dinner be taken

These latter will not,

from him by order of Joseph Buonaparté, or by order of Ferdinand VII Why, the man that will fight for the sake of a choice between the two must be a downright brute. We have all along been expressing our , hopes, that the erample of Spain may have a powerful effect in France, that the French people may catch the flame, and finally shake off the yoke, which Napoleon has had 3 the address to put upon their necks. But, if the war in Spain be carried on for Ferdinand, and, even if it should restore him to the throne, what good is that likely to do in France: What flame will there be for the people of France to catch? How are they : to profit from that erample 2. Or, is there any one so very very stupid as to suppose, that the people of France, who, in spite of all Napoleon's acts of despotism, do now possess the lands and houses of former noblity, clergy, and rich men, will, for the mere pleasure of having a change of masters, give up all those extensive and valuable poisessions 2 If, indeed, the Spaniards *. to beat Napoleon, and establish a new government, promising the enjoyment of Iberty and property, then their erample would be powerful with the French, : might lead to consequences the most impot tant, in all the nations of Europe.—To turtle-patriots, while they are toasting king. Ferdinand VII, very consistently toast Fer dinand IV, king of Sicily; but, upon such: an occasion, and in such a company, white had a toast in behalf of liberty to do 2 The toasted success to “our brave associates liberty and arms. " If we are to be t associates of the subjects of Ferdinand, ii. liberty as well as in arms, we want no cons jurer to tell us what degree of liberty the turtle-patriots would suffer us to enjoy; The turtle-patriots do, in fact, wish fit none of us to enjoy any thing worthf: of the name of liberty. They would execratio the cause of the Spaniards, if they thoughtthem engaged in the cause of liberty; and if they wish success to the arms of those who are opposed to Napoleon, in Spain, it is because they dread the effect of an overthrow of that system of government, by which the people were held in slavery the most dio graceful. If the contestis to be between Ferdinandand Joseph, my decided opinionisthat the latter will remain king of Spaiu; and, what's ever my wishes may be, the turtle-patriots would rather that Joseph should be king, than that the war should terminate with the establishment of a free constitution. la toasting Ferdinand the turtle-patriots were toasting an enemy of their country; a king, if they insist upon his being one, who is v

Spanish freedom ;

war against England; for, no treaty has been made with him ; no peace has been made with him, or with any person acting under his authority. It has been declared, that we are at peace with the Spanish nation; but, not a word has been said about peace with a king of Spain. Ferdin ind is in France, and the last act which we hear of, as his, was a declaration that he had made a voluntary surrender of his authority as king of Spaia, and as heir to the Spanish throne. But, the turtle-patriots wanted a something to set up against Buonaparte, and it mattered, to them, very little indeed who, or what, it was. It was a dread of Buonaparte, and not a love of freedom, by which they were inspired. They will not, however, get the nation to adopt their sentiments. Hundreds and thousands would willingly venture even their lives in the cause of but the turtle-patriots will find nobody fool enough to hazard any thing for the sake of Ferdinand VII, whom

there is no man, not a peculator in one way

or another, that does not wish to keep where he is, as being the fittest place for him, who gave up the sword of Francis I. —The victory of Casta Nos and De Tilly over DUPost is of great importance, be the object of the war what it may; for, it will tend to lengthen the contest; and, if

, there be a long contest, let us hope, that

lew men will arise, and, by degrees, exlinguish the miserable tools of the despot. If the people have to bleed for what they win; if they suffer severely for the purpose of keeping out a foreign despot, let us hope, that they will not again yield their necks to * despot of native growth.--This Count De Tilly is, I believe, a Frenchman, a circumstance, which, I suppose, the newsPaper editors thought of too little interest to holice. In 1798, or 1799, he was amongst the emigrants in Philadelphia, where he was married, by a methodist preacher, to a daughter of the late Mr. Bingham, and

which daughter, after having been divorced

from the Count by an act of the legislature of the State, was, I have heard, married to 4 son of Sir Francis Baring. The Count, from precisely what consideration I know not, left Philadelphia, soon after the marflage, and it was said, that he went to Spain. If it be the same man, and I see

no reason to suspect the contrary, he is now.

about forty years of age, a very gay and "toy clever man, and a man likely to be ogaged in dashing enterprizes. If the %ust and I were to meet agaia, we should hardly forbear expressing our admiration of

different motives.

send him to fight the battles of the Spaniards, while she set the family of Baring, at the head of the turtle-patriots, to celebrate his deeds in aims, and to number him amongst “ our gallant associates in liberty.” This shews, that, as Rousseau observes, “we are all good for someoning or other.” Some for fighting and some for having wives.

Duke of York. I have lately read, in several of the news-papers, a great deal about this “ illustrious person," as they all have the grace and good-manners to call him; but, though I have been long enough used to their language, I do not distinctly understand what they mean. It would seem, that there had been a design, on the part of somebody or other in the government, to send the Duke as commander in chief of our armies in Spain and Portugal; and, I supposed, of course, that this measure was to be adopted, because, at present, there was no danger ef invasion, and, of course, no immediate need of any exertion of the skill and courage of the royal person in question. But, from an articlé in the Morning Chronicle, which has just reached me, I am inclined to think, that I have misconceived the meaning of these writers, who, though differing very widely upon almost every other subject, perfectly agree upon this. I have been not a little surprized at this uncommon coincidence in sentiment, and have made some very earnest efforts to get at a correct account of the cause of it. At first, I attributed it to the general dread of leaving this island without a Commander in Chief, at a moment so critical, when an unlucky accident to our fleet, co-operating with an easterly wind, might, in twenty four hours, have brought fifty thousand Frenchmen, with a General Brune (Lord preserve us!) at their head. But, 1 soon found, that this dread was not so prevalent as I had imagined; and, from the article I am about to quote, it would appear, that the objection to the departure of the royal commander had arisen from It seems, from this article, that some one has written, and caused to be printed, an address to the cabinet ministers, censuring them for listening to the public voice as to the talked of appointment of the royal soldier as commander in chief in Spain and Portugal— “We have," says the editor of the Morning Chronicle, in his paper of the 9th instant, “seen a printed address to the cabinet “ ministers (which, however, we believe is “ only confidentially handed about), upon

* steaks of Madam Fortune, who chose to . the subject of the appointment of his royal

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highness the Duke of York to the com. man l of the army destined for foreign service. The object of it is, to persuade the present ministers of the crown that the judgment generally passed upon the merits of his royal highness is most injurious— that it cannot be justified by a review of his past services, but that it has been hastily formed upon the false representations of newspapers and other periodical writers, who delight in nothing so much as in severity of remark; and, in fine, that ministers, instead of suffering themselves to be guided by public opinion, ought to govern it, by acting in defiance of the popular sentiment. The writer, however, has been rather injudicious in the choice of his arguments, when it is considered to whom they are addressed, for, without affecting at all to disguise the uniform failure of the military enterprises of the Duke of York, he endeavours to shew that all his failures ought to be attributed not to any want of science in his royal highness, but to the administrations urnder which he acted. The siege of Dunkirk, for example, he ascribes to the silliness of Mr. Pitt and his colleagues, in suffering themselves to be deceived by a ruse de guerre of the cabinet of Vienna; and the unfortunate capitulation of the Helder, he represents as the inevitable result of General Abercrombie's imprudence, in allowing himself to be influenced by the advice of Johnstone, the smuggler, and the total want of judgment manifested at that time by Lord Melville, who was at the head of the war department. The former part of this insinuation is of too foul and false a nature not to be repelled with scorn by every one who recollects the exalted character of General Abercrombie, and the accusation against Lord Melville we shall leave to those to answer who feel more interested than we do in that noble person's character. But upon the whole, we do not think the present address very well calculated to make proselytes in the present cabinet. One obvious inference which the public would draw from it (were they psrmitted to see it) is this, that when, in the case of any great military disaster, the officer who commands is not trought lefore a court martial, the minister who appointed him ought to be impeached.” It is not for me, who

live at such a distance from the all-enlightening metropolis, to pretend to meddle much with such “ high matter.” Whether, therefore, the judgement generally passed

upon the merits of the royal commander be correct or not, I shall not attempt to decide; but, one thing may, I think, venture to assert, without the risk of committing an error, and that is, that if, from whatever cause, the ministers, havc, as this newspaper insinuates, refused to suffer the royal chieftain to go to Spain after application made by him for that purpose, they are, in justice to that royal person, bound to lay that cause before the public, seeing that the royal chieftain still has the command of all the numerous troops kept on feot for the purpose of defending this country against the very same sort of enemy, that he would have to encounter in Spain or Portugal. This write: talks of the “ uniform failure" of the royal captain ; but, without stopping to inquire into the fact, is it, if such fact be true, a good reason for not sending the royal com: mander abroad, and also a good reason for keeping him in the chief command at homo, where the emo/aments of the office are so very great Would not “failure" here, be as fatal to us as failure in Spain It can. not be that this is the real cause; for, if it were possible that any set of ministers would, for such a reason, not suffer a commander to go abroad, and were still willing to suffer him to remain commander in chief at home, it is quite impossible that any man, I will not say any prince of the blood, but any this; having even the outward shape of manhood, should continue in such command. Why, the dogs in the street would bark, the cuts would miaw, the very chickens would coco coc-coe, at the approach of a creature so loathsomely base. Dismiss from your mind, therefore, my honest reader, all the notions, which may have been inbibed through the insinuations of articles like that above quoted ; and believe, like a faithful and loyal subject, that there is some very suffic. ent and honourable reason for the royal com: mander's remaining at home. I beg you to remark, too, that these insinuations are thrown out by men, who are but too apt to

accuse others of a want of attachment to the

person and race of the sovereign. I always said, that, when it came to the pinch, " should be found to stick most steadily to to royal family. Their flatterers now show: disposition to skulk; but, I trust, we sh" be firm at their side, as long as there is a sco ther and a drop of ink to be found. Botley, August 10, 1808. - SPAN is H. REvolution. Sir ;—It is a fact to be lamented, ho which we collect from daily experience, to integrity of principles and virtuous demo”

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