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"ding our blood for a Regency-for a Regency which the Portuguese detest, "and which they detest us for supporting!" -Thus far the Morning Chronicle, who adds, that this is, for us, a miserable

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policy; a vile occupation." In such a light the thing must, one would think, appear to every unprejudiced mind.--Now let us hear what the Courier has to say, preparing ourselves for the disgusting cant about party and opposition, to motives of which every thing unpleasant is attempted to be imputed." It will perhaps puzzle "most of our readers to discover in the "above events cause for censure against "this country.But what is too difficult "for Opposition ingenuity? They consider "these disturbances as having been produced "by the establishment of a Regency, "which we are said to have forced upon "them. The Regency was appointed by "the Prince Regent himself.- -As soon as Portugal was released from the French yoke, we, who came to assist the Portuguese against the French, who had put "down the ancient and legitimate Government, did that which, as the friend and "ally of the Prince Regent, it was our duty "to do; we recognised the authority which "the Prince had appointed to govern the

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country in his absence. What would the "Opposition have had us do? Would they "have had us tell the people to throw off "their allegiance, put themselves in a state " of revolution, and new cast and model "the whole form of government? They "might then have exclaimed indeed with

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some justice, "Oh miserable policy! ""most vile occupation!"—But we are "told, that were the whole British army "to be sent, it would be insufficient to "defend Portugal till we had first gained "over the people to our side and there"fore it is meant to be recommended, we

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suppose, that we should abandon Portu

gal altogether for as to gaining over "the people, if delivering them from the "French does not produce that effect, no

thing that we can do besides is calculated "to produce it-though the Opposition

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seem to think that if we were to take part against the Regency, that is against "the authority of the legitimate Sovereign, "we should attach the people amazingly to

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us.These revolutionary counsels our Government, we do not think, will be "much inclined to followBut the people "of Portugal are said either to dislike or to "be indifferent about their government."It may be so, and we shall not inquire at "present whether they have or have not

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placed under a government compared to "which their own was perfect happiness "and freedom. So far then from Prussia, "Italy, and Naples furnishing examples "which the Portuguese might be desirous "of following, we should have thought they "would have afforded incitements to them "to cling to ANY government, rather "than, by being indifferent to it, suffer "their country to full under the yoke of "France.- Since writing the above, we are informed that the affairs to which the "proclamation of the intendant general of police refers, was by no means a very "serious affair, and was soon put an end "to. It was occasioned by some regula"tion adopted respecting the market.”What a falsehood is here, as winder-up! A trifling regulation about the market! Could that have called for such a proclamation as the one, which has given rise to this discussion? Common sense forbids us to believe it; and the man who makes the assertion must look upon his readers as downright fools. Discontents on account of a regulation about the market call for a proclamation, assuring the people, that the English are not come as conquerors, and that they are come to free the people from slavery! Detestable falsehood! But, such are the means, by which this nation has long been deluded from one stage of danger to another. What connection was there, or could there be, between the political views of the king of England and a regulation about the market at Oporto? Shameful falsehood! The Intendant issues a proclamation to stay the "fury" of the people, to whom he speaks about the political views of the king of England, whom he describes as teo wise to think of enslaving them. And, it is a proclamation like this, that the shameless hireling holds up to us as the consequence of disturbances arising out of a regulation about the market at Oporto! It is seldom that I have met with any thing so impudent as this.-This writer tells us, that we recognized the government of the Prince Re

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gent; that we re-established that government; and asks, what the Morning Chroni. cle would have had us do. Why, I know what I would have done. I would have ascertained what sort of thing, or state of things, the people were willing to fight for; and, if I found it inconsistent with my engagements, or promises, to give them that, I would instantly have withdrawn my troops, being, as, I think, every man, in his senses, must be, convinced, that, seeing the gen graphical situation of Portugal, it is impossi ble to defend the country against the French, unless these are beaten by the Spaniards, without the hearty co-operation of the people of Portugal.- -This writer, in answer to an opinion, similar to the one just expressed, asks, if it be meant to recommend the abandonment of Portugal altogether? for, says he," as to gaining over the people, if

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delivering them from the French does not "produce that effect, nothing that we can "do besides is calculated to produce that * effect." Well; but, we have so delivered them, and that effect has not been produced. Will you, then, persevere in defending Portugal without the aid, and even against the will, of the people? Will you attempt to keep out Buonaparte with one hand, and to keep down the people of Portugal with the other? The minister who, should so apply the lives of an English army, would deserve to be hanged.- -This writer

next tells us," that he should have thought, "that any dislike or indifference the Portu

guese might have felt respecting their "former government, would have disap❝peared, nay, been converted into love "and attachment, when the question was, "whether they should submit to such a go"vernment, or the government of the "French." Aye, he might think so; and many others might think so, and so they may think with respect to the people of other countries, where the French have not yet been. But, what says experience? Alas! that which has, heretofore, made fools wise, has now, as far as relates to governments, lost its power of inculcation! Experience has proved, has proved in numerous instances, that the sway of France has no such terrific power; and that, where the people dislike, or are indifferent about their old government, they are not to be made to love it by a dread of its being succeeded by the government of France. The Morning Chronicle did not hold up the conduct of the people of Prussia, Hanover, and Italy as an example to those of Portugal; but, as examples, whereby we might judge of how the people of Portugal were, under similar cir

cumstances, likely to act; but, indeed, we wanted no other example than that, with which we were furnished by Portugal herself.

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-We need not inquire into the truth of the assertion, that " compared with the "French government, established in Hano"ver, Italy, and Naples, their own was "perfect happiness and freedom;" because, whatever may be the fact, we know that the people have made no exertions in behalf of their own government against the French. "We should have thought," says this writer, "that the fate of Hanover, Italy, and Naples would have afforded incitements to "the people of Portugal to cling to ANY "government, rather than suffer their country to full under the yoke of France." Aye, this; this; this is the pernicious; this is the execrable opinion, that has so long and so widely and so fatally prevailed. Oh! then you think, do you, that, as long as there can be kept up, in any country, a dread of the French " yoke," the people. may be harrassed and insulted, that their very entrails may be squeezed out, without danger to their rulers? This is your opinion, is it? Others have proceeded upon it, and they are now smarting under the richly-deserved consequences. Others have said:

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no; there is no occasion for a reform of "abuses; a dread of the French will do; "we can go on in the old way; a dread of "the French is your only true specific for

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COMPLETE COLLECTION OF

State Trials,

AND PROCEEDINGS FOR HIGH TREASON, AND OTHER CRIMES AND MISDEMEANORS, FROM THE EARLIEST PERIOD DOWN TO THE PRESENT TIME.

The FIRST PART of this Work will be published, at the places and in the manner before notified, on Monday next; and,, L: think, I may venture to say, that it will be found to exceed any expectations that may have been raised by the Prospectus. Of the forty-one Trials, or Proceedings, contained in this First Part, twenty-five are new, org

at least, new in this shape, and never before came into any Collection. That the new matter will bear this proportion all the way through, is not to be expected; but, I am confident that the difference between this work and those, which, under a similar title, have gone before it, will surprize even those who have most frequent had occasion to perceive and to lament the imperfectness of those works.- -Some persons have coneived, from the passage in my Prospectus, relating to the Pleadings, that it was intended to leave out the pleadings, or speeches, of counsel. What were meant to be left out, were merely such of the formal pleadings as could not possibly be of any use; such as old common Latin Indictments, and other technical forms. After, however, again looking through the various papers, it has been found, that these Pleadings will take up but little room; and, therefore, it has been resolved to retain the whole of them. That there is no intention of abridging, the contents of the FIRST PART must, I think, pretty clearly demonstrate. To such gentlemen as may happen to be in possession of curious Trials, or of documents relating to trials of the description of those to be contained in this work, I shall be much obliged for a communication of them. If the document, or paper, whether in print or manuscript, be requested to be preserved, great care shall be taken of it.

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they will not purchase corn upon any "other terms than one month's credit, to be "calculated from the day of its delivery, "and that if payment is requested previ

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ously to the expiration of the month, they will deduct one penny in the pound "discount," I took the liberty on the next market day of submitting to your consideration the following RESOLUTIONS.-1st. "That the determinations of the Buyers of Corn are inconsistent with that freedom which never will permit a few individuals to dictate in a manner so authoritative to the numerous Growers of corn, who for so many years, have constantly attended the Norwich market, and who hitherto have been considered men as respectable and independent as this or any other county can boast. - 2d. That by submitting to such Resolutions, that confidence and good-will

which, as yet, have subsisted, between the Buyers and Growers of corn, would no longer exist.-3d. That there is no reason why the Buyers should take from the pockets of the Growers the discount proposed; and, therefore it is a duty incumbent on the Growers to make every exertion to prevent such an imposition being practised.—4th. That the plan proposed by the Buyers of corn, will create either inconvenience or loss to the Growers, and may also subject them to have unpleasant remarks made, on the application for their legal demands, previous to the expiration of a month, and therefore it must be regarded, not only as adverse to the long-established practice of fair and honourable dealing; but also subversive of delicate and confidential transactions.-5th. That the seller of any commodity, not being compelled to dispose of it, except to whom, and on what terms he pleases, the intended combination, to carry into effect the Resolutions of the Buyers, is not only unprecedented in this market, but believed to be illegal, and is repugnant to those inherent and hitherto indisputed rights of the venders, which no combination ought to be permitted to annihilate,—6th. That the recollection of the length of time the Growers of corn have to wait before they can get a fair return for their property expended ought to have due weight with every friend to agriculture -7th. That the returns of men engaged in other commercial pursuits than those of agriculture, being so much more frequent, and so much larger, the agricultural remains below the commercial interest in the scale of profit.--8th. That the transactions of this Meeting be printed and laid in St. Andrew's Hall, Norwich, on Saturday next the 29th of October, to receive the additional signatures of those Growers of corn who are inclined to maintain their own independence, and to unite with this meeting in their laudable exertions to prevent the combination of the Buyers being effected.-9th. That the Committee already appointed at this Meeting, shall assemble at the Rampant Horse Inn, Norwich, at 4 o'clock in the afternoon of the same day. to adopt such further measures as then may be deemed necessary, and the attendance of those, who are desirous to support the customs of the market is earnestly solicited. -10th. That no example tending to defeat the intentions of this Meeting, shall deter it, from abiding by these Resclu tions, which already have obtained very numerous and most respectable signatures.-11th. That these Resolutions be advertised in the Farmer's Journal, the Bury, and

the Norwich papers.-12. That the thanks of this Meeting be presented to the Chairman Mr. Thos. Utting of Ashwellthorpe, for his active and manly conduct on this occasion."

At your second Meeting on October 29, Sir Thomas Bevor, bart. consented to take the chair, and the committee now consisting of 32 gentlemen (the largest growers of corn), it coincided with the Resolutions which were unanimously adopted at the first Meeting. The signatures of the chairman and the committee being placed beneath them, they were laid in St. Andrew's Hall, Norwich, and there having received the sanction and names of more than 500 occupiers of land in Norfolk, I afterwards endeavoured to prove how necessary it was for you to declare the sentiments which you had expressed. But my reasons having been but partially made known, and believing, as I do, that every county throughout the British empire, as well as the county of Norfolk, is as deeply interested in the result of this prejudicial and daring combination, I an induced to give the greatest publicity to my remarks, and therefore I have solicited from Mr. Cobbett the favour of their insertion in his Register.-Gentlemen, the Growers of corn very justly expressed their indignation, that a few individual Buyers who for so many years have been amassing property, by the constant dealings which were carried on between them on fair and equitable terms, should most suddenly and without any good reason being assigned, decline to transact business with them on the same basis. much more astonished were they to find the Buyers had entered into a combination to drive the Growers from their accustomed and most convenient market, or to compel them to dispose of their corn on terms which are very disadvantageous, that must render them great inconvenience, and which by length of credit, from the failure or misconduct of their London factors, from an unexpected drop in the markets, or other causes (of which you have had such numerous and fatal instances), might probably occasion to them very serious loss.-Gentlemen; if your legal demands for your property disposed of, be requested before the expiration of the month, the Buyer will either believe that you want your money and have no other resource to which you can apply, or he must know that you have no confidence in him by your consenting to pay the discount of one peany in the pound: although he pay your debt he will be mortified that his object is not obtained; namely, having your property (or your money, which is the

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same thing) to speculate with; and you cannot be much pleased, that to obtain your right, you must pay 5 per cent. to put into the pocket of him, who is getting a livelihood by his connection with you, and who, in ungrateful return, compels you to act as he dictates; and that to his great profit, and to your great loss. If such transactions will not destroy that confidence which should exist between you both, I know of no circumstance, however more degrading to you, (were it possible to be so) to which you would not submit.-Gentlemen; I always declared that, I believed this combination of the Buyers of your property to be a shameless imposition, to be illegal, and Mr. Wilson has since confirmed that opinion, and obtained a rule to prosecute, in the Court of King's Bench, and £500 are already subscribed, to defray the expences. But, even if the combination were not illegal, I think you ought well to consider, before you sacrifice your own honour and interest, and to recollect the danger of the ill effects which must result to you, if the endeavours of these merchants be accomplished.-Gentlemen, the Buyers say "these are our terms, and on no other will we purchase your commodity; and surely we have a right to please ourselves."I will, then, ask, if the poor journeymen shoe-makers, tailors, and weav ers, have not the same right to say, cannot be compelled to work, except we like, and at such prices as we choose to demand." Yes, I consider, they have an equal right so to say, and to act; but the laws have, very wisely, declared, that they shall not so act, because, many will be injured by a few; and, amongst these poor people, this is called an illegal combination. Is not, then, the same conduct amongst the rich to be termed an illegal combination? Does not the proposed plan of the Buyers of corn tend to annihilate your market, by compeling you to withhold your corn? and does it not deprive the community of their regular and necessary supplies, and injure all of you more especially?Does it not tell the public, that the Buyers know the Growers of corn must dispose of it, and, therefore, they, the Buyers, have all agreed to demand it on their own terms? Is this the language of the conduct to which Norfolk farmers will submit?-No: Gentlemen, I trust not. But, let me ask you, with whom is the power? I say it is with you. If you were to declare, that you would have no further dealings with such men, if they were entirely deprived of your support, could they continue their present mode of obtaining a livelihood? Whenever, and wherever you

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Choose to assemble, the Buyers, be they whom they may, must come to you. The pustenance of human life, the provender for cattle, &c. must be had; and from whom can it be obtained, but from the Grower? Besides, if a month's credit be given to the merchant, any man may become one; because no property will be required for him to begin his speculation; as he will trade with your property, with the possibility of great profit, and the certainty of no loss; while you, and you alone, venture the risk and if, in reply, it be said, he must have property to pay his debts when requested, I contend, that your permitting the discount to be allowed will have a similar disadvantageous effect on you, and benefit him; and that discount will create not only a real property for him, but will also enable him to borrow money on his effects; and you thus put it in his power to make you present him with 5 per cent to pay your legal demands. Will the various losses to which you are subject, the uncertainty of the seasons, the increased price of labour, of implements, &c. and no reduction in your rent, be your crops ever so bad, justify you in thus sporting with your hardearned property? Is it natural, is it consistent with the dictates of of common sense, thus to act? Gentlemen, there is as yet no law passed to make you bend to this compulsory measure; but by your compliance to it, your precedent will not only be as binding as any law, by establishing a custom, but it will be the means of extending the same despotić authority over all other Farmers. It will give to the Buyers of corn, the power of creating the same rule in all other markets throughout Great Britain: their example most indisputably will be followed by their brother merchants, and their baneful system will be effected, except, by your exertions, this illegal combination be crushed on its first appearance.-There is now an opportunity of soliciting other merchants to trade with you on the old and long established customs; but if you once give way-if you once surrender your rights vain will be the attempt to regain them; for no merchants then will be found to deal with, as they will all have joined the combigation. So completely will you be in the power of the Buyers (especially all of you residing in the interior counties) that you must abide by whatever terms are dictated, and what security have you that two, three or even six months credit may not hereafter be insisted on? Will not the month's credit be very likely to deprive the merchants of smaller property and also many Millers of Discounts: 44

the power of as fairly exercising their trades, because the credit will be given to the men who are supposed to possess the most money? Will it not also enable a very few merchants with large capital to engross the trade and to monopolize the fruits of the earth? If they were selfish men, might they not add to the distresses of the poor already hard enough to be borne? The great prop which in your estimation supports the merchants by your submission will be entirely removed, and which, Gentlemen; is this.-A merchant cannot now come to market without property, for he must either have effects or stand in that credit with which his Banker is so satisfied as to honor his drafts, and as is sufficient to keep up his respectability. But when there is no property, or not an adequate share, both to answer his immediate demands on the market day and to have as much security remain as will induce his Banker to continue his usual assistance, why, then, in such a case, (which is not either impossible or improbable to happen) I know of no better plan for him to adopt, than to persuade you to give him a month's credit, which will enable him to get his bills accepted by his London Factor, and, as I before said, he will then have no risk. If he be possessed of such large property as to render this unnecessary, either he does not want the credit and only gets your money to speculate with, or you are making him independent of his country banker, and thus placing yourselves at his mercy; your great and chief reliance is of no avail, and you subject yourselves to every possible loss, or to avoid that you are deprived of part of your property by paying an illegally demand. ed discount. When I declare to you, what I can prove from the statement of one amongst the merchants, that, according to the number of lasts of corn bought by him on a Satur. day, (and I include all grain and take an average price of the whole) by paying the discount you would to only ten individuals, purchasing the same quantity, give from your labours more than six thousand pounds per annum-and as this buyer is not the largest purchaser, I trust you will perceive the impropriety of consenting to such a tame, unnecessary, and prejudicial compliance, to the daring attempt to annihilate a custom which for centuries has remained sacred and unmolested, and which is wanted to be set aside only to enrich those few persons. Gentle men, if you consider as I do, that these evils which I have endeavoured to shew will be brought on the agricultural interest, I am convinced they will be sufficient reasons to deter you from deserving the reproach of

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