1 only to twenty-two fail of the line, and two fifties. This great fuperiority, as we could not be quite certain of the ill condition of the enemy, must neceffarily have checked all well-governed adventuré. It has, however, been thought, (and the opinion received a confiderable fanction, from what was held out by the first lord of the admiralty upon the fubject in parliament), that their condition, in every refpect confidered, encumbered and divided as they were by their convoy, an attack would, in all human probability, have heen attended with the most decifive confequences. It was reported, that the hoftile fleets were for fome days fo near each other, that it was a matter of fome care and nicety to prevent their being entangled in the dark, an event, the confequences of which, both fides were equally ftudious to avoid. In the course of this year, an extraordinary number of wellfought and defperate actions took place, both in the old and the new world, between the British and French frigates; in which, though the former had constantly the advantage when upon equal terms, and that the latter were frequently taken; yet there were fuch instances of profeffional fkill, courage, and dexterity, continually displayed on the part of the enemy, as were before unknown in the French marine. It is probable, that no naval hiftory of any age, could, in an equal fpace of time, afford fo many inftances of fingle combat between fhip and fhip, in which the points of profeffional and national honour were fo nobly fuftained, and fuch nu merous acts of bravery performed on both fides. It is with fingular pleasure, and no fmall pride, we likewife record, that in these hard and bloody trials of virtue, the humanity, liberality, and generofity of the British officers, rofe in proportion to the gallantry of their vanquished enemies, and far exceeded all examples of paft times. Indeed, the generous regret expreffed for those who had bravely fallen, the kind attention paid to thofe who furvived, and the public acknowledgements made of the valour of both, rather excited images of what we imagine might have paffed in the gallant contention of heroes at a tournament, than of the ufual ferocity and cruelty of war. The fiege of Gibraltar ftill continued. The blockade on the land fide commenced in the month of July 1779; and the place was foon after invested as clofely by fea, as the nature of the gut, and the variety of the wind and weather would permit. The Spaniards likewife laboured inceffantly in the conftruction of works, as well for the cover and fecurity of their camp at St. Rocque, as for the furtherance of their future intended operations. All the capital efforts of the Spanish nation feemed to be directed towards that object; and fortunately it happened for this kingdom they were fo directed. We have seen in our last volume, the fignal fuccefs which at tended Sir George Rodney, in his voyage to adminifter fupplies to that garrifon; a service which he effectually performed. From that time the vigilance and industry of the Spaniards, in their endeavours to cut off all relief by fea, was redoubled and the difficulty of fupplying the garrifon was continually increafing. In the mean time, the prefence of the Panther and Experiment hips of war, and of a royal floop, which lay in the bay, was a grievous eyefore to the enemy; and greatly checked the ardour of their enterprize, in attempting to cut off, on their nearer approach, thofe veffels, which had the fortune to elude their more diftant vigilance, A scheme was accordingly laid by the Spanish commanders, for burning this little fquadron, with fome ordnance tranfports which lay under their protection. The defign was not ill formed. A very dark night, between the 6th and 7th of June, was fixed upon for the execution of the project. Seven fire-fhips were excellently prepared for the purpose. These were fupported by a crowd of row boats and gallies, filled with men, and with every kind of offenfive arms. At a greater distance, a fquadron of fhips of war, under the Admiral Don Barcello, ftood off and on at the entrance of the bay; not only to cover and embolden the attack, but to intercept any veffels which might attempt to efcape. The wind and weather were highly favourable, and the darkness of the night seemed to infure fuccefs. The British commanders had not the fmalleft notice of their daner, until they were alarmed at one in the morning, by the approaching flames of the burning fire-fhips. Without furprize or confternation at fo dangerous an appearance, they, with the most immediate prefence of mind, in ftantly manned all their boats; and the officers and feamen with their ufual intrepidity, met, and grappled the fire fhips; and then, amidst the bursting of fhelis, and all the horrors of a fcene which teemed with inftant deftruction, boldly towed them off, and run them on different parts of the fhore. They had fcarcely got clear of this first fet of fire-fhips, when two large veffels were perceived bearing down directly on the Panther; but they were res ceived with fo fierce a cannonade, that they were foon fet on fire, and difpofed of like the former. During the whole time, a heavy fire from the hips and the town batteries, was kept ap against the gallies and boats; but the darkness prevented any certain knowledge of the effect. By the remains of one of thofe veffels, which were examined in the morning, the appeared to have been about the fize of a fifty gun fhip; and from the quantity of unconfumed materials and combustibles which were found in that and others, it was evident, that much labour and expence were bestowed upon their fitting out and equipment. Too much praife cannot be bestowed on the conduct of the Captains Harvey, of the Panther, Leflie, of the Enterprize, and Faulkner, of the St. Firmin. The mafters and crews of the tranfports, (as upon all other occafions of the prefent war, where the opportunity offered) behaved admirably. The undaunted intrepidity difplayed by the officers and men in the boats, can only be equalled, but can never be exceeded, even by British seamen. The town and hips had the fa tisfaction of beholding at break of day, Don Barcello's baffled fqua-, dron gaing back into Algefiraz. It should furely be an incentive to refolution and bold enterprize to learn, that not a fingle man was loft on the British fide, in an affair which carried fo dreadful an appearance. It is evident, that the Spaniards, at least in the feven first fire fhips, wanted refolution and firmnefs to bring their veffels near enough, before they fet them on fire. Upon the whole, it will probably be found, that, excepting fome very peculiar fituation, or a conflict with fome contemp tible enemy, it will require all the profeffional boldness and dexterity, and all the natural fortitude of British feamen, to manage fire fhips in fuch a manner, as will render them productive of any great advantage. The fortune of the Ruffians at Chifme, in the late war, will hardly be found an exception. Though the Spaniards laboured hard in pushing on their works towards the fortrefs, they had frequently the mortification of feeing, when they were nearly compleated, the fruits of much time and labour destroyed in a few hours by the weight of fire from the batteries. Indeed it feemed to be nearly a ftanding maxim with Gen. Elliot, to let them proceed without interruption to the point we have mentioned, and then at once to throw all their hopes to the ground. Some judicious and fuccefsful fallies, were likewife occafionally, though fparingly, made by the garrifon; in one of which, they brought three pieces of cannon into the fortrefs, from a work which they had taken with fome flaughter of the enemy. Time, the leifure of a long blockade, with the conftant contemplation of fo near an object, and the vexation of being baffled by a handful of men, who seemed almost to be abandoned to their own fortune, at length whetted the invention of the Spaniards to a project, which foon afforded much trouble to the garrifon; and in its procefs, produced the utter deftruction of the town, the ruin of the unfortunate inhabitants, and infinitely increased the difficulties and dangers of the defence. This was the framing a number of gun, boats, of a conftruction calculated to carry very heavy cannon and mortars, for the purpose of cannonading and bombarding the town and works in the night; whilft their own lownefs, with the difficulty of perceiving, as well as of hitting the object, preserved them, in a very great degree, from the fire of the batteries. The total want of a naval force gave effect to this measure, by difabling the garrifon from encountering the enemy in their own way. But its being a work of labour, time, and experiment, prevented the effect of thefe floating batteries from being, until the following year, fully experienced. While all the reft of Europe were entering into a confederacy, calculated for the fubverfion of the British naval power, the Queen of Portugal alone, had virtue to perfevere in her friendship, and refufed to accede to the armed neutrality. This refufal was the more generous and exemplary, as it was in effect rendering herself liable to [4] 4 the the dangerous weight of refentment, of the whole united House of Bourbon, at a time when the ability of England for her protection became every day more precarious. It was much to be regretted, that this friendship was in fome degree weakened, and in danger of being loft, through the imprudence of fome British officers on the coaft of Portugal; who not contented with the advantages which they derived from the free ufe of her ports, and the fecurity thereby afforded to their prizes, are faid to have proceeded to equip and fit out cruizers in the river of Lisbon, in order to act against the enemy. This produced an order from that court, prohibiting the privateers of all nations from entering her ports, excepting in cafes of real and apparent neceffity; and forbidding even then their flay, for any longer time than the continuance of the neceffity. A fcheme adopted by the court of Vienna, and which was not unfolded until this year, feems to, have awakened in no fmall degree, the, perhaps well founded, jealoufy of the Pruffian monarch. This was the making a provision for the Archduke Maximilian, brother to the emperor, by procuring him to be elected coadjutor to the elector of Cologne, in his two great and princely bishopricks of Cologne and Muniter, with the confequent reverfion of the electorate annexed to the former. The Prince Maximilian, was already coadjutor of the Teutonic order; and if he gained this election, whenever the whole fell folely into his hands, he would, as well as great opulence, become poffeffed of great weight, influence, and power in the empire. The election lay in the two chapters, and in the reigning elector; but fubject to his negative, as well as to his influence and affirmative. Both that prince, his chapters, and even his fubjects at large, feem to have adopted the views,' and to have been entirely in the interefts of the Houfe of Auftria. As the election for Munter was to be preliminary, the King of Pruffia wrote an argumentative letter to that chapter, ftrongly urging the inconveniences which would refult to the empire from their choice of the Archduke, and therefore endeavouring by all means to perfuade them from adopting fo pernicious and dangerous a measure. This bufinefs likewife opened a direct correfpondence between that monarch and the Elector of Cologne. The latter, in answer to a letter and meffage (with the particulars of which we are not otherwife acquainted) from the king, fuppofes, that the court of Vienna had already acquainted him with the wishes of the archduke, and had amicably intreated his powerful fupport in his favour, He dwells much upon the princely virtues and eminent qualities of the archduke; ftates the predilection in his favour, and confi. dence placed in him on that account, by his own chapters and fubjects. Declares, that it is his own with, as well as his duty, to establish the welfare and happinefs of his subjects, as far as lies in his power; and that, as he thinks, this cannot be fo effectually done as by the election of the archduke, he he has, upon mature deliberation, determined on that measure. That the right of election is lodged in himself and his bishopricks by the conftitution of the empire; that in the exercife of this undoubted right, it shall be conducted according to the ftricteft rules of a free election; and that he cannot at all conceive any room for apprehending, that the archduke's connections, fhould render his being chofen, at all liable to endanger the peace and happiness of the empire; the more efpecially, as his chapters, and the ftates, were always confulted, in cases of that nature and great importance. The king, in his reply, after fully acknowledging all the virtues and great qualities attributed to the Prince Maximilian, informs the elector, with fome afperity, that the court of Vienna had not given him the smallest intimation of its intentions with refpect to the coadjutorship of thofe two bishopricks, although it had communicated the defign to other courts and states, which were much less interested in the subject. He had no objection to the election; but he could not be indifferent as to the perfon in whofe hands, and under whofe government, these bishopricks placed. He ftrongly urged and ftated, the dangerous confequences which might arife to the Germanic conftitution, from the dignities of two electorates being united in the Houfe of Auftria, and an archbifhoprick, with a bishop's fee, in the perfon of one of its princes. It would greatly influence the affairs of the empire, and render thofe bishopricks too much dependent. They would be en were tirely governed by the measures, and their interefts would at all times be blended with the views, of the court of Vienna; they would be drawn into every feud and war, and into every political difpute, in which the House of Auftria might take a part; they would lofe all the confidence of the neighbouring states, from their being confidered only as provinces depending on that house. The king obferved, that the true welfare, liberty, and independence of the German epifcopal fees, and on whofe prefervation the conftitution of the empire partly depended, required, that they fhould be governed by prelates, who had no particular power or intereft, but what was derived from their bishopricks. He therefore gave the preference greatly to the chapters choofing bishops from among their own capitulars, rather than from great and powerful families. His intentions and views, he declared, were pure and fincere; he was as far from recommending a candidate to the chapters, as he would from forcing one upon them. Instead of wishing to limit the liberty of election, he would, if others attempted it, protect the chapters against intrufions. Whoever, in the prefent inftance, they should choofe out of their own body, would be acceptable to him; and if they made no choice, it would be equally agreeable; as the moderate age and good health of the elector, prevented the measure from being at all neceffary. He concluded a long courfe of argument, and a masterly difcuffion of the fubject, by again repeating, that confidering the fituation of his dominions, |